Gunadasa Amarasekara stated during the 1988 JVP rebellion that the JVP was the children of the 1956 revolution. He said it is the parents’ responsibility to adopt children who disobey, and that the JVP rebellion requires SLIP support and protection.
Unlike the Lanka Samasamaja Party which was built on the model of the Soviet Union, Wijeweera Janata Vimukti Peramuna was built on a Sri Lankan model. It is not known it happened because of the hatred he had with the Samasamaja Party and the Communist Party, and the problems he faced in the Soviet Union. Somehow Wijeweera’s JVP was very close to the Sri Lankan Freedom Party.
In the 1970 general election, the JVP launched a radical grassroots political campaign of youth to defeat the Samagi Peramuna, which was led by the Sri Lanka Freedom Party. Samagi Peramuna’s phenomenal victory was largely due to the youth’s radical political mission. But Mrs. B’s Samagi Peramuna government took power and did not follow the JVP’s radical political agenda. They did not carry out the socialism they wished for. As a result, the JVP rebelled in an attempt to destabilise the government they had helped to establish. The 1971 rebellion was the result. This rebellion also destroyed left-wing parties, including SLFP and JVP, too, was destroyed.
Taking advantage of this, JR’s UNP, which came to power, caused family chaos in the Sri Lankan Freedom Party and split the party into three, and the JVP was trying to rise once again with the support of the UNP. JR’s UNP allowed JVP to rise to destroy the SLFP. But when Wijeweera and Felix Dias, one of the strongest former leaders of SLFP, went to court against JR’s infamous referendum, JR. banned JVP siting 1983 black July.
In the face of a weak opposition divided into two to three, the JVP went underground and took up arms. When the JVP revolted for the second time against the Indo-Lankan agreement and the Indian army, with the slogan ‘Motherland or death’ Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) was excited to take over the government in as they did in 1970 through the radical political operation of the underground youths.
However, unlike 1970, the JVP emerged in 1988 as a formidable force that even the Sri Lankan Freedom Party could not contain. The JVP demanded a ‘pound of flesh’ to bring the Sri Lanka Freedom Party to power. Mrs B and Anura ignored JVP and went for the 1988 presidential election. Mrs. B was defeated by JVP. Premadasa became president because the JVP declared an election boycott in Sinhala Buddhist provinces, including the south, which benefited Mrs B. President Premadasa attempted to reach an agreement with the JVP, but the traditional U.N.P. refused, and the JVP, was suppressed was led by Ranjan Wijeratne and Ranil Wickramasinghe, of the UNP.
Premadasa also later agrees to suppression. JVP leaders were all killed and JVP was eliminated.
JVP raised its head again when Ranjan Wijeratne was killed and Lalith and Gamini brought the impeachment motion against Premadasa. It was the JVP youths who came under the name of ‘Janatha Mithuro’ that gave strength to Chandrika and her United Front to defeat the UNP completely in the 1993 Southern Provincial Council elections. In the 1994 presidential elections, the JVP supported Chandrika on the condition of abolishing the executive presidency. Chandrika won by selling the terror launched by the UNP against the JVP.
The JVP brought two emerging youths to the fore in the local government election held after Chandrika became President. One is Wimal Weerawansaya. The other is Anura Kumara Dissanayake. Compared to those two, Vimal is ahead of Anura, and he becomes an overnight star. Just as the JVP brought the SLFP to power in 1970 and absorbed its youth, just as it gave oxygen to the SLFP in 1988 and absorbed its youth, in 1994 it brought Chandrika to power and absorbed its youth and adopted the slogan ‘Unut Ekai Munut Eki’. Chandrika violates the condition given to JVP of abolishing the executive presidential system. Knowing that JVP is breaking her votes, Chandrika starts attacking JVP.
In the 2001 general election, UNP wins because of the votes SB. – G.L. brought after breaking away from SLFP, and the vote grabbed by JVP from SLFP.
SLFP understood that it could not win without JVP votes. The JVP understood that it could not form a government without supporting the SLFP. Chandrika’s downfall stated because she had forgotten the Sinhala Buddhist base of the Sri Lankan Freedom Party and tried to win minority votes.
The JVP in alliance with the Sri Lankan Freedom Party pumped life into the Sinhala Buddhist Jana Foundation that destroyed Chandrika. The theory to give life to the Sinhala Buddhist people’s foundation, whose wings were clipped by Chandrika, is none other than Wimal’s. The 2004 general election was won by Sri Lankan Freedom Party, with the JVP and United People’s Freedom Alliance because of Wimal’s theory. Chandrika also used that theory to come to power through Mangala.
Wimal did not take up a ministerial position in this SLFP-JVP government. But the party allowed Anura Kumara to take up the post of minister. Chandrika made the same mistake she did in 1994 and forgot the JVP and signed the Tsunami Relief Board with Prabhakaran. JVP opposed it and came out of the government. It is at this time that the candidate who fits Wimal’s theory emerges from the Sri Lanka Freedom Party. That is Mahinda Rajapaksa. In the 2005 presidential election, Mahinda won, not because of the SLFP, but because of the JVP. At that time, Wimal was the superstar on Mahinda’s stage. Anura too emerged as a JVP star during that presidential election.
2005 President Mahinda put the ‘Curry leaf’ theory to JVP like Mrs.B did in 1970 and Chandrika in 1994-2004. When JVP decides to separate from Mahinda’s government, Mahinda succeeds in holding Wimal by questioning how Wimal can be in the opposition with a traitor like Ranil who was created by Wimal, leaving the patriot Mahinda who was created by Wimal. Anura separated from Mahinda while Wimal joined Mahinda. Since then, Mahinda-Wimal harmony has been getting stronger day by day, weakening Anura and JVP day by day. Wimal was created by JVP. But it was Wimal who made Mahinda. Mahinda should have appointed Wimal as his second or prime minister, but Mahinda adopted the ‘Curry leaf’ theory on him.
Anura, who is helpless in the face of Mahinda and Wimal’s patriotic performance, joins a common opposition with the UNP, knowing that Wimal shows the qualifications to absorb the youth energy of the SLFP, which the JVP had previously siphoned off. Anura tries to talk to the youth of U.N.P. to grab their votes. Between 2010 and 2015, Anura obtained successful results in the provincial council elections. The JVP attracted the anti-Mahinda youth votes due to the power struggle between Ranil and Sajith of the UNP and Ranil’s failed leadership. But in the 2015 presidential election, Anura went to support Maithripala indirectly and that attraction was shared with Maithri.
After Maitri became president in 2015, Wimal came back to the scene by creating ‘Mahinda Sulaga’. This time Wimal teamed up with Gotabhaya and created a new harmony and showed a new patriotic performance. Anura was orphaned again in the 2019 presidential election with 3%.
Once Gota became President applied the ‘curry leaf’ theory that Chandrika and Mahinda adopted on Wimal. Rightfully, during that time Wimal should have picked up the youthful energy of the bud. Actually, at that time the anti-Gota sections of Pohottuwa should have been attracted to Wimal and the team. But the front line party of Kumar Gunaratnam brought the Gota protest from patriotism to people’s love through the ‘aragalaya’. Anura took advantage of it. After Ranil became president and suppressed the ‘aragalaya’, the vanguards were cornered. Anura gathered the anti-Gota, Pohottu votes around the JVP because those voters could not bear the hatred of Gotabhaya who brought them to power.
Despite the allegations against Wimal, he never betrayed his patriotic policy. When Chandrika set up the Tsunami Relief Board, he led the JVP to come out against it. When the JVP decided to separate from Mahinda, Mahinda was on the point of winning the war, so he left the JVP, which dealt with the anti-war Mangala and stood with Mahinda. When Mahinda was going to divide power, he shouted against it, because he could not stand with Ranil’s policy of dividing power and support Maithri in 2015 he stood with Mahinda.
In 2019, Gota became the president and when the East Terminal of the port was to be given to India, the Yugadanavi plant was to be given to an American company but he went around the country against it and lost his ministry. He has been against the International Monetary Fund since the time he held the post of JVP Propaganda Secretary. After the economic crisis, the entire country wanted to go to the IMF he stood by his policy.
Anura Kumara is not like that. He changed his patriotic policy. He changed his anti- IMF policy and anti-American policy.
Vimal’s slogan is ‘Unut Ekai Munut Ekai’. Vimal made that slogan so that JVP could get a government on its own. Today, Anura has adopted Wimal’s slogan and Wimal is where he should be. It was Wimal who built the ‘yes sir ‘ society, or the Rajapaksa voter base, who drank the ‘Dhammika paniya’, sang hymns to the cobras that emerged from Kelaniya, where the Putins of Sri Lanka were looking for, and used their moustaches to wear the ‘redda and baniyama’ to the Kurahan scarf. Today, the hero of the society is Anura. From 2010 to 2022 they saw Anura as a baby red elephant. Today they see Anura as a king.
Today they kneel before Anura Kumara like a Royal elephant kneels before the crown prince. But Wimal knows where the ‘Henduwa’ is hidden.