“He can’t win an election… but he’s not a thief.”
That was the tagline attached to Ranil when he became Prime Minister in 2013.
“They called Ranil a traitor. They called him a Tiger sympathizer. But no one ever called him a thief. Even his worst enemies admitted that.”
That was what international political analysts said when Ranil became Prime Minister in 2015.
“Mr. Clean.”
Although this label was popularized by his uncle’s newspaper, The Sunday Times, no one seriously challenged it.
In 2015, Ranil defeated the Rajapaksa family—who had seemed unbeatable—by branding them as thieves, while positioning himself as the clean alternative.
“Rajapaksas are thieves. Ranil is Mr. Clean.”
That is how people voted in 2015.
But once the label of “thief” sticks, it is not easy to shake off. The Rajapaksas understood this well. Their best strategy was to brand either Maithripala or Ranil as corrupt. Tensions had already begun to surface between Maithripala and Ranil, and the Rajapaksas calculated that if Ranil could be discredited, they could win over Maithripala and neutralize the accusations against themselves.
“How do you turn a ‘Mr. Clean’ like Ranil into a thief?”
The Rajapaksas pondered.
They didn’t have to wait long. They hit the jackpot—the Central Bank bond scandal.
Using President Maithripala, SLFP ministers within Ranil’s own government, and the parliamentary COPE committee, the Rajapaksas successfully painted Ranil as the “Central Bank thief.”
The civil groups and artists who helped bring the Maithri-Ranil government to power in 2015 were left embarrassed when the very man who promised to catch thieves was accused of robbing the Central Bank.
When the allegations surfaced, Maithripala summoned Ranil. He arrived with Malik.
“If we are to protect our mandate and this government, you must ask your friend Arjuna Mahendran to step down,” Maithripala told him.
“I’ll resolve this,” Ranil replied.
Mahendran was one of Ranil’s closest allies. He had appointed him as Central Bank Governor out of that friendship—and was unwilling to abandon him. Instead, Ranil set up a legal committee to defend him and attempted to shift focus onto past bond issues.
But Maithripala did not follow Ranil’s lead—he followed the Rajapaksas’ playbook. He appointed a commission to investigate the bond scandal and publicly warned Ranil not to protect the culprits. The COPE report confirmed it as a massive fraud. SLFP ministers demanded Ranil’s removal as Prime Minister.
Ranil’s government came to power in January 2015 to catch thieves. By June–July 2015, Ranil himself had become the biggest “thief” in public perception.
That was the Rajapaksa strategy at work. But without the backing of President Maithripala, SLFP ministers, and the COPE report, it would not have succeeded. The Auditor General’s report on the bond scam reinforced the narrative. By the 2018 local elections, Ranil’s government suffered a humiliating defeat.
Now, years later, Sajith Premadasa—mocked by both government and opposition as the weakest opposition leader—has made a bold move, even teaching the Rajapaksas a lesson in political strategy.
He has targeted the JVP-led government, which came to power promising to catch thieves, by exposing it over a coal procurement scandal.
Unlike the Rajapaksas’ campaign against Ranil, Sajith’s task is harder. The JVP government enjoys a far stronger mandate. In 2015, Mahinda still commanded a majority of Sinhala-Buddhist votes. But in 2024, the JVP secured support across the entire country.
Moreover, the Rajapaksas had President Maithripala’s backing when they went after Ranil. Today, Sajith faces a President, a Prime Minister, a Cabinet, and even a COPE committee that are all aligned in defending the accused minister, Kumara Jayakody.
Still, Sajith has not backed down. By exposing the coal scandal, he has decided to move a no-confidence motion against the minister.
“Keep bringing no-confidence motions—you only strengthen the government,”
the UNP and allied opposition factions mocked him.
The same criticism was made in 2023 when Sajith brought a motion against Keheliya Rambukwella. Even the JVP, then in opposition, ridiculed him:
“Sajith is crazy. He’s helping Ranil consolidate power in Parliament.”
But that motion planted a powerful narrative—that Ranil was protecting corrupt figures. That narrative became so strong that Keheliya was eventually removed and jailed.
Had Sajith listened to his critics back then, that outcome may never have happened.
Now, once again, he presses forward despite ridicule.
When Sajith supported the appointment of Samudrika Jayaratne as Auditor General—originally proposed by Anura—critics claimed it was a deal. But Sajith backed her knowing her professional integrity. His calculation proved correct: she did not bury the coal scandal; she exposed it.
Ranil once shielded Mahendran; today, the JVP government is seen protecting Kumara Jayakody. Ranil deflected blame then by probing past bond issues. Now, Anura is doing the same by probing past coal deals.
Just as civil activists and artists who supported the 2015 government were left embarrassed, today’s Aragalaya activists may soon find themselves in a similar position.
“Sajith Premadasa has lit the fuse of an explosive that will detonate in few months.”
said a former JVP member, commenting on Sajith’s strategy—amid ridicule from fringe political hopefuls dreaming of the 2029 presidency.
