Crackdown Intensifies: President Takes Charge of Drug Battle
President Draws the Line: Says No to IMF’s Land Tax
Ranil Left Alone: Opposition Snubs Nugegoda Rally
Cabinet Shake-Up Sparks Turmoil in Government Ranks
Anura uses his trump card
Last week’s Inside Politics column revealed the government’s plans to hold provincial council elections. This exclusive report created a sudden wave of enthusiasm not only within government ranks but also among other political parties. Our revelations also explained the reasons that led the government to this decision.
Many outside observers might assume the move was prompted either by the government’s declining popularity or by pressure from India. However, Inside Politics probed deeper into the government’s inner circles and discovered that neither of these assumptions is correct. Instead, the decision stems from a carefully crafted, systematic plan now taking shape. Our investigations revealed that the government has strong reasons for moving in this direction.
Budget
As we reported earlier, the administration is preparing to present what is being referred to as a highly popular “election budget” for 2026. Through this budget, the government intends to demonstrate its strength to the nation by introducing a series of appealing proposals. Notably, it plans not to impose new taxes on the masses. For the first time, it is even considering reducing existing tax rates.
When we first highlighted this development, no decision had yet been made on holding elections. Now, with the government openly expressing its willingness to proceed, it is reasonable to assume that the president will go ahead with mass-friendly tax measures.
First to report
In the Sri Lankan media, Mawrata newspaper and the Inside Politics column were the first to report these details. We can now confirm that the president has already decided to introduce significant tax cuts and concessions in the upcoming budget — a move that promises real relief for the people.
IMF review
In the meantime, as we reported last week, the sixth IMF review turned into a heated exchange between the President and the visiting IMF delegates. The President voiced his and the government’s position in a noticeably firmer tone, marking a shift in his approach. For the first time, he openly opposed several proposals and suggestions put forward by the IMF team. The discussions grew tense, with the President making his stern opposition clear and firmly rejecting some of the IMF’s recommendations.
Property Tax
At one point in the discussion, IMF officials strongly pointed out that although former President Ranil Wickremesinghe had pledged to implement the property tax by last March, this has not been fulfilled to date.
According to the IMF, the property tax was to be applied in such a way that when someone purchased land, a house, or a vehicle, a new tax would be levied as a percentage of that purchase. In addition, those who already owned land, houses, or vehicles would also be subjected to another layer of taxation. Until now, no one had been aware that former President Ranil Wickremesinghe had given the IMF such a pledge, promising that the tax would be enforced from last March.
Although Ranil was no longer in power by then, the IMF insisted that Anura must carry out that commitment.
What stood out most during the talks was the President’s firm stance against the proposal brought in by the IMF representatives. The President made it clear that it was impossible to implement such a measure, stressing that it was an unfair tax.
Not at this time
“We cannot impose this tax at this time. It is an unfair tax. When people spend their money to buy land, a house, or a vehicle, how can we slap an additional tax on top of that? Our citizens are already paying taxes to the government on land and property. In such a situation, we cannot impose yet another tax on the same things…” the President said firmly, leading to a heated exchange as IMF officials also stuck to their position.
IMF countered
“We don’t care whether the government is led by Ranil Wickremesinghe or Anura Kumara Dissanayake. We agreed with the government of Sri Lanka. At that time, the former President and the Ministry of Finance promised us that this property tax would be implemented to raise revenue. They specifically said it would begin in March. Therefore, this condition must be enforced without fail. It must be included in the upcoming budget for next year and implemented accordingly.”
At this point, for the first time, Anura brought up a political argument and strongly rejected the proposal presented by the IMF representatives.
Not the time
“There are conditions we can agree to and conditions we cannot agree to. We can accept what seems practical. But we cannot accept what is not feasible. Why? Because we must do politics on this earth, and we must understand the realities on the ground. Imposing a tax like this does not reflect the ground reality. That is why we cannot do it. Therefore, I cannot in any way agree to this proposal you have brought. But I can say this much: when there comes a time when we can do politics aligned with ground realities, we will be ready to discuss such proposals. But this is not that time…” the President said firmly.
The IMF representatives, holding their ground, then questioned the President on how the government planned to find alternative sources of revenue if it rejected the property tax, which would result in lost income. In response, the President presented a detailed explanation to the IMF officials about the methods by which the government intended to make up for the revenue that would not be generated by imposing the property tax.
How ?
“We have already prepared a mechanism for that. You have already given us a benchmark that the GDP must be raised to 15% by net year. When the former President took office, the GDP stood at 8%. By the time we assumed office, it had risen to 13%. At present, we have clearly drawn up plans to push the GDP beyond your 15% target and bring it up to 16% by next year. All the necessary strategies for this have already been prepared. So please don’t have any doubts or concerns about it…” the President declared.
With this statement, it was noticeable that the expressions of the IMF representatives completely changed. Their previously rigid stance softened instantly, and they responded to the President in a very favorable manner.
For the first time, Mawrata newspaper, through its ‘inside politics’ column, is revealing this information to the public. Alongside the President’s statement, IMF officials disclosed another significant fact that no one had known until now.
Unknown fact
“If you can take this country to that level, it will bring an immense relief that no one has yet realized. Because if such growth is achieved, you will receive a major concession when it comes to debt repayments. The more you raise the GDP, the more debt will be written off in the billions of dollars. If you can hit the 16% target, billions of dollars in debt will be slashed…” the IMF officials told the President, revealing a secret that had not been known before.
In reality, even we were unaware of such a development until this information came to light. Meanwhile, many in the opposition have been questioning whether, starting from 2028, when Sri Lanka is due to resume servicing its foreign loans, the current pace of economic growth will make that task extremely difficult. They warn that the country risks facing bankruptcy again in 2028.
Debt..
However, no one had known that if the GDP is raised in this way, billions of dollars of foreign debt could be written off. Accordingly, it is not hard to imagine that this would be a major shield when repayments begin in 2028.
From this, another hint also becomes clear—that next year’s budget will almost certainly turn out to be an election budget.
Anura’s Gamble
The government’s next big trump card, planned to be played suddenly in connection with holding the provincial council elections, is the crackdown on drugs. What no one knew until now is that the President has already focused his full attention on this operation to wipe out drugs from the country.
The most striking development here is that the President himself has taken leadership of this anti-narcotics operation—something no other government or president has ever done before. It is well known that past presidents of this country have provided major leadership and contributions to certain responsibilities. For example, J.R. Jayewardene, Ranasinghe Premadasa, and Ranil Wickremesinghe all made significant contributions during their respective times to rebuilding the economy. Mahinda Rajapaksa gave immense political leadership in ending the war.
Narcotic Network
But now the serious question has arisen: has any president ever given 100% of his effort to the battle against drugs? The reason is that during the tenures of all these presidents, the drug trade and networks only grew stronger. Ending the drug menace has become an even more difficult battle than ending the war itself. At present, the narcotics network has engulfed the entire country, and even village-level youth have been destroyed by drug addiction.
Many believed that once someone like Gotabaya Rajapaksa took office as President, he would immediately crush the drug trade and restore discipline in the country. Not only Gotabaya, but almost all past presidents launched campaigns against drugs—but those ended up becoming little more than political operations. Instead of truly eliminating drugs, arrests and seizures were turned into media spectacles to bolster their political image. Many politicians and police officers used the fight against drugs to raise their own profile, but in truth, there was no sign that the drug epidemic was brought under control.
Different approach
This time, however, people can clearly see a difference in the fight against the drug trade. Notably, no politicians or police officers are stepping in front of cameras, voice cuts, clips, and seeking publicity. Instead, an enormous, unseen operation to wipe out drugs from the country has already been launched behind the scenes under the direct leadership of the current President.
A few weeks ago, through our Inside politics column, we hinted at this when we revealed details of a discussion between the President and intelligence agencies. At that meeting, the President had clearly instructed them that chasing after political parties and leaders would bring no benefit to the country. Instead, he emphasized that intelligence units must focus all their efforts on tackling the underworld, the drug trade, and corruption.
Accordingly, through this column, we are now ready to report a further extraordinary development: a revelation about the highly risky decisions the President has taken to eliminate drugs from the country.
International operation
The President personally participates in every discussion related to the drug eradication operation, during which tough decisions are made. Some of these decisions affect only Sri Lanka, while others carry international implications—a notable development.
Previously, following the arrest in Malaysia and extradition to Sri Lanka of the underworld figure “Kehelbaddara Padme” and his group, a high-level discussion took place. At that meeting, it was revealed that, under the President’s leadership, authorities reported that capturing Padme had dismantled nearly 50% of the drug network in Sri Lanka. Officials further informed the President that eliminating the remaining 50% of the network would not be impossible.
First time
It was on this framework that the operations to eradicate drugs and the underworld inside Sri Lanka were launched. These operations have already achieved significant success in cracking down on organised crime and reducing the domestic drug trade. Now, however, the government has resolved to move into a far more dangerous and difficult phase: targeting the international drug trafficking networks that supply narcotics.
Sri Lanka has become not only a consumer hub but also a major transit point for drugs arriving in bulk and re-exported to other countries. The quantities involved are not measured in kilograms but in tons. According to information reaching us, the government has secretly decided to disrupt this international drug supply chain connected to Sri Lanka. Already, several key routes through which large volumes of narcotics are shipped into the country have been identified.
Small ‘fry’
For years, the public has criticized authorities for arresting only “small fry” while leaving the major players untouched. Many believed that unless these powerful figures were also targeted, the war on drugs would never succeed. In line with this public demand, the government has now decided to embark on an extremely dangerous mission to capture these “big fish.”
According to information available to us, at the outset of this mission the President made a grave statement, issuing strict directives to the relevant authorities. He is reported to have declared with deep resolve:
“Even if I stand alone, no matter what consequences may follow, I will take this decision. I will not turn back.”
We also learn that senior officials present at that meeting explained at length the severe risks involved, including the potential threats to the President’s own safety. Nevertheless, it is believed that the President did not act impulsively but carefully assessed the risks and consulted his party leadership, including General Secretary Tilvin Silva, before taking this unprecedented decision.
Leading from the front
By taking this step, the President and the government have entered an extremely perilous arena. We report this information, within certain boundaries, because it is important that a responsible media outlet leaves a written record of the President’s role in this mission. If the operation succeeds, history must reflect that the President risked his life to approve it.
Therefore, it must be emphasized again: with the launch of this operation, the President has stepped into a highly dangerous zone—one that could redefine both the fight against drugs in Sri Lanka and the country’s role in the international battle against narcotics.
Crisis Within
Amid all these developments, it is evident that the government is not moving forward on a smooth path. The reason we say so is that signs of a crisis have begun to emerge within the administration. This became clear last week when the President suddenly carried out the first Cabinet reshuffle of the Malima government.
Changed portfolios
In this move, the President removed the Ports portfolio from Minister Bimal Ratnayake, who had until then held one of the most powerful positions in the Cabinet as Minister of Transport, Highways, Ports and Aviation.
The opposition immediately remarked that this reshuffle brought nothing new—except for targeting Bimal Ratnayake and stripping him of the Ports responsibilities. At the same time, speculation circulated that Bimal had come under pressure from powerful business groups dealing with the ports, that tensions had arisen between the Ports and Customs, and that disagreements had also surfaced between Bimal and officials of the Civil Aviation Ministry. However, these were unofficial claims rather than official statements.
Engine change
Following the reshuffle, Bimal himself made a public statement to the media, insisting that it was a Cabinet decision taken after several months of internal discussion, with the agreement of all.
It is notable that the first person to publicly call for such a reshuffle was none other than Bimal himself. After the LG elections, during an interview on state-run Independent Television, Bimal had declared that a Cabinet reshuffle should take place soon. He even acknowledged that many ministers’ responsibilities could change—including his own. In that interview, he used a striking phrase, saying the “engine of the government” itself needed to be changed. This was widely interpreted as hinting at the possibility of a change in the premiership.
Disputed
Yet, unexpectedly, about a week after his remarks, Bimal came under heavy attack from within the government itself. Senior Minister Sunil Handunnetti, speaking on a private TV channel, publicly rejected the need for any Cabinet reshuffle, saying that all ministers were fulfilling their duties properly. Around the same time, at the official Cabinet media briefing, Nalinda Jayatissa also stated categorically that there would be no reshuffle. Both remarks were clearly direct rebuttals to Bimal’s statements.
However, months later, at a time when no one was discussing the matter anymore, the President suddenly moved to reshuffle the Cabinet, removing the Ports from Bimal’s ministry. This was significant, because although Bimal had earlier called for a reshuffle and hinted that many ministers’ responsibilities—including his own—might change, in the end, it was only his ministry that was altered.
As a result, Bimal became the target of various comments and interpretations, with different groups offering their own explanations for why he had been singled out.
Where is Bimal?
Since our readers deserve accurate information on this matter, we made inquiries into Bimal’s situation from a different angle. In doing so, we discovered a series of problematic details behind this incident.
For example, although the Ports portfolio was removed from Bimal and handed over to the Urban Development Authority, after the transfer of duties Bimal has not been seen in public. Shockingly, just hours after the swearing-in, Bimal suddenly left the country—an unexpected and secretive move. Despite various efforts, we were unable to determine which country he had travelled to. Ministry sources confirmed that Bimal was overseas and had not reported for official duties.
FB blank
Bimal’s Facebook account, which is usually updated regularly with his official engagements, has also fallen silent. The last update was on October 9th, showing his participation at the inauguration of the Metro Bus Company. Prior to that, updates on October 6th and 7th mentioned two other events he attended. After October 9th, however, there have been no new posts.
We also checked the official website of the Urban Development Authority. While Bimal’s name is listed as the new minister, there are no photographs of him assuming duties, nor even a basic image of him displayed on the site.
In addition, as the Commonwealth Parliamentary Conference was being held in Barbados during this period, we inquired whether Bimal had travelled there to attend. Our investigation revealed that he had not participated in that event either.
Lal Kantha differs
The biggest controversy, however, came when Lal Kantha was questioned by the media regarding Bimal’s appointment. Lal Kantha is regarded as one of the top five leaders of the JVP politburo, and nothing significant within the party or government usually happens without his knowledge. While Bimal had earlier claimed that the reshuffle was carried out after months of internal discussions within the party, Lal Kantha said he had no knowledge of such discussions.
His remark clearly indicated that the decision to remove Bimal from the Ports Ministry was not something debated within the party.
Many observers now view the Cabinet reshuffle as a reflection of deeper divisions within the government. At the same time, Bimal’s sudden disappearance after the reshuffle has further raised questions. With the next parliamentary sessions scheduled to begin next week, there is little doubt that Bimal’s behavior will be closely watched by all.
SJB–UNP Unity
After the arrest of former President Ranil Wickremesinghe, many expected that events would pave the way for unity between the SJB (Samagi Jana Balawegaya) and the UNP (United National Party). The SJB made a genuine effort toward this, and at its most recent management and working committee meetings, Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa sought the party’s approval to move one step closer to such an alliance.
SJB leadership
The only condition presented was that, since the SJB is the main opposition party, any alliance must be formed under its leadership and with it at the forefront. This was a fair demand, especially given the UNP’s present situation under Ranil’s leadership. The UNP currently has no representation in Parliament. At the 2020 general election, the UNP contested under the “cylinder” symbol and managed to secure only a single National List seat, with around 250,000 votes.
Political novices
Still, some political novices have argued foolishly that if the votes polled by Sajith and Ranil in the last presidential election were combined, the SJB could have won. What they ignore, however, is that most of Ranil’s presidential votes came not from the UNP base but from Pohottuwa (SLPP) supporters. Even SJB voters did not transfer their votes to Ranil.
At the last presidential election, Namal Rajapaksa lost around 250,000 Pohottuwa votes, but within five months, he managed to increase that number to nearly one million at the local government elections.
SLPP voters
This means the Pohottuwa votes that went to Ranil eventually returned to the SLPP through Namal. Many now believe that at the next provincial council elections, Namal could push that number further to 1.5–1.6 million, proving again that the votes Ranil gained were not UNP votes but SLPP votes that have since gone back.
As a result, Ranil now finds himself reduced once more to the 250,000 votes the UNP received at the 2020 general election—a grim fate for someone who once rose to the presidency.
Retain the votes
The SJB, however, is in a different position. The votes it secured at the last presidential election were retained at the general election and again at the local government elections. At village-level cooperative polls, the SJB has continued to win consistently—sometimes on its own, sometimes in alliance with other opposition parties. This steady grassroots momentum is reminiscent of how the JVP once described village cooperative victories as a reflection of national trends. Today, the SJB is building that same winning wave.
Yet, in all these local victories, the names mentioned are SJB and Pohottuwa—not the UNP. At the village level, the UNP has practically disappeared.
Joke!
Ranil, now 77 years old, is in no position to lead a new alliance or even share leadership credibly. To speak of forming governments or coalitions under his leadership is little more than a bad joke. Clearly, if there is to be unity between the SJB and the UNP, the leadership must rest with the SJB.
UNP loyalists
Even UNP loyalists now acknowledge that the party split only because Ranil refused to hand over leadership to Sajith when it was needed most. That refusal weakened the UNP to the point of repeated defeats, leaving it without even a single MP in Parliament. Many within the UNP now insist that leadership should be given to Sajith and the two parties united at last.
This sentiment grew stronger after Sajith stood firmly for Ranil’s release following his arrest. Yet, as soon as Ranil returned from his hospital bed, he conspired to break the emerging unity by planting false news stories in his family-owned newspapers—claims that Sajith would be arrested, had misused funds, or was headed to jail. These were designed to sideline Sajith and sabotage the unity drive.
Matured Leader
But Sajith, acting as a mature leader, did not fall into Ranil’s trap. Instead, he pressed ahead with his decision that the two parties must come together, effectively turning Ranil’s own schemes back against him. This has caused great unease not only for Ranil but also for his close allies Sagala and Vajira. Outside of these two, however, all other senior UNP leaders now openly support the view that the UNP must unite with the SJB sooner rather than later.
Wajira once again
Accordingly, in order to break this alliance, Ranil immediately summoned Wajira and informed him to issue a statement that would place the SJB in difficulty. Following this, Wajira released a statement saying that there were no talks of joining with the SJB, and that the decision taken at the UNP convention was to bring together all opposition parties. Through this, Wajira’s message to the SJB was that the UNP was not prepared to join with them.
However, the other UNP leaders were unaware that Wajira would issue such a statement. Reports say that upon seeing this announcement, Navin, Akila, and Thalatha strongly expressed their opposition. Moreover, Navin publicly stated that Sajith’s decision for the two parties to unite was a very good one, and that if the two parties did unite, they too would contest in the provincial council elections.
Three ‘idiots’
Meanwhile, the SJB side also carried out inquiries regarding this statement issued by the UNP. Many there said that this statement had been issued by the “three idiots” within the UNP. They pointed out that it was released without any discussion within the party, and that in future discussions they would clearly express their opposition to it. They also mentioned that UNP leaders supporting an SJB-UNP alliance had already been identified.
Furthermore, on Tuesday evening, these three strongmen of the UNP issued another special statement to all the party’s electoral organizers. It explained the line to be taken when speaking about the SJB-UNP alliance. It stated the following:
Discussions
Several rounds of discussions on working with common consensus between the United National Party, the Samagi Jana Balawegaya, and other political parties were held at the Opposition Leader’s Office on Marcus Fernando Mawatha in Colombo.
These discussions are still continuing. The United National Party’s position is that, in order to work on the basis of common consensus, the Samagi Jana Balawegaya as well as other political parties should be included.
UNP stand
The United National Party stands firm on the position of safeguarding multi-party democracy. The UNP believes that, apart from the SJB, other political parties should also be brought in.
As an important step in protecting multi-party democracy, we invite the SJB as well as all other parties to take part in the “People’s Voice Against the Deceptive Malima Government’s Foolish Rule” rally to be held in Nugegoda on November 11.
With the release of this statement, it became clear that apart from this UNP trio, everyone else in the party was unsettled. They were of the view that issuing such a directive without any internal party discussion was unacceptable, and they are preparing to express their opposition directly in the coming days.
Kabir’s report
Amidst all this, the committee appointed by Sajith under Kabir’s leadership to study how the two parties could be brought together is now in its final stage of preparing its report. Since committee member Mujibur Rahuman was on a visit to Barbados last week, Sajith appointed Eran Wickramaratne in his place.
Accordingly, Kabir, Marikkar, and Eran have been holding talks with UNP leaders and preparing this report, which was also reported to Ranil. Ranil then immediately issued orders to UNP representatives not to engage in any discussions with Kabir, Marikkar, or Eran. Ranil further said that he himself was carrying out a separate negotiation with top SJB members through a different channel.
It has also been reported to this column regarding the group with whom Ranil is conducting this deal. But we can responsibly say that Ranil has not responded positively to any of this.
Using Namal
After that, what Ranil did to further bring down the SJB was to use Namal. Ranil’s aim in doing so was to bring Pohottuwa supporters to the rally scheduled for the 11th in Nugegoda. Through this, Ranil’s plan was once again to cling to Pohottuwa in his declining years. We revealed this to the country for the first time about a month ago, reporting on an incident at a UNP Working Committee meeting. On that occasion, when Ranil proposed forming an alliance with Pohottuwa, Thalatha, Ruwan and a group strongly opposed it, saying that Pohottuwa had a different political culture which was not compatible with that of the UNP. But the events taking place now clearly show that Ranil has not limited that opposition to heart.
Ranil, believing that the Pohottuwa votes he received in the last presidential election were gathered by Namal, is now preparing to get close to Namal once again in order to secure those votes. Otherwise, at the upcoming provincial council elections, he is preparing to build an alliance with Pohottuwa so that a group of UNPers could enter the councils through Pohottuwa votes.
Not with Thieves
Although the SJB’s management committee and working committee decided to join with the UNP, the SJB has also taken another important decision: that whoever they join with, they will not join with thieves. That means, not with Pohottuwa either. Since the SJB is now recognized across the country as a clean party, it has decided not to form any alliances with groups accused of corruption.
Stand against injustice
S. M. Marikkar recently told the media that this was the reason for that decision. Ajith Perera said that in politics, if there is injustice, they will stand against it, but under no circumstances will they ally with Pohottuwa. Also, Mano Ganesan and Palani Digambaram, members of the SJB alliance, told the media that the SJB should never sit with or include thieves. Through this, what these political leaders made clear—without directly saying it—is that they will not take part in the rally scheduled in Nugegoda under the leadership of Ranil and Namal.
Nugegoda – Flop
According to the information we have, Sajith has already decided not to attend that rally. Senior SJB leaders, too have taken a firm decision not to participate. Moreover, party leaders representing the SJB alliance, such as Rauff Hakeem and Rishad Bathiudeen, also hold the position of not attending the Nugegoda rally.
Membership Drive
While Ranil and Namal are working to make the Nugegoda rally a success, Sajith has been spending these days launching the SJB membership promotion program, going village by village at the constituency level. Meanwhile, since the government has proposed a 6.8% increase in electricity tariffs, Sajith has said at every meeting that if the government raises electricity prices again, he will take to the streets with the people against it.
Electricity rate hike
Accordingly, Sajith has informed all SJB local government representatives at the village level to be ready to bring party members to the streets nationwide the very next day if the government increases the electricity bill. For the past two weeks, SJB constituency organizers and provincial LG councilors have been mobilising people at the grassroots level for this purpose.
SJB- agitation
According to certain information we have, reports say that the government has already received details not only about Ranil–Namal’s Nugegoda rally but also about the SJB’s planned grassroots agitation against electricity bills. Although it was reported that Namal would bring 100 buses, the government did not pay much attention to that. But regarding Sajith’s grassroots campaign against the electricity hike, the government is paying serious attention because reports say large numbers are rallying around it. If electricity rates are increased, the popularity the SJB is currently gaining in the villages will rise even further. It is also reported that Sajith’s grassroots membership promotion program is receiving a huge public response.
PUC directive
Accordingly, while last time the government ignored the Public Utilities Commission’s advice not to increase electricity tariffs and went ahead, this time it silently obeyed the Commission’s directive not to raise rates. This shows that the government understands the popularity the SJB is building at the grassroots level.
Meanwhile, inside Pohottuwa, Namal is facing significant opposition to organizing the Nugegoda rally with Ranil. The first objection came from Johnston Fernando, who knows Ranil very well. When Pohottuwa decided to give Ranil the presidency, Johnston’s famous remark was that “Ranil will one day betray the Rajapaksas and Pohottuwa as well.” As Johnston predicted, within a few months of becoming president with Pohottuwa’s backing, Ranil split Pohottuwa and weakened the Rajapaksas.
Johnston’s oppose
Also, Pohottuwa leaders like Rohitha Abeygunawardena and Nimal Lanza, who were close to Ranil in recent times, are now leaning back towards Pohottuwa after realizing Ranil’s true nature. They too have told Namal not to get trapped by Ranil again, not to divert Pohottuwa’s votes to him, and that Ranil’s political career is over and he is no longer a factor in politics.
Not a factor
In addition, Basil, considered the chief strategist of Pohottuwa, has sent a message from America saying that under no circumstances should Pohottuwa support Ranil. Reports say Basil stated that Ranil’s political career is over and there is no longer any path to journey together with him.
It appears this message was conveyed through Party General Secretary Sagara Kariyawasam, since immediately afterward Sagara held a press conference stating that Pohottuwa would only form alliances with those who accept Mahinda’s policies. Many say this stance was handed down by Basil, since otherwise Sagara would not have made such a statement. Reports also say that Namal himself has received this message.
Accordingly, Namal too declared last week that if provincial council elections are held, he will not support Ranil.
