After securing victory in the 2010 presidential election and nearly achieving a two-thirds majority in the general election, Mahinda Rajapaksa was in a position of great power. At this peak, he observed as UNP members stormed Sirikotha, demanding Ranil Wickremesinghe step down and be replaced by Sajith Premadasa as the party leader. Mahinda watched these events unfold on Sirasa TV.
During this period, Namal Rajapaksa, the heir apparent of the Rajapaksa family, had entered Parliament and was patiently awaiting the opportunity to follow in his father’s footsteps. However, there was concern among Mahinda’s inner circle: “If Sajith rises, Namal’s future is threatened. Ranil must remain in leadership until Namal is ready.”
This sentiment was conveyed to Mahinda by those acting as intermediaries between him and Ranil. Ranil, Mangala, and others who opposed Sajith exploited this to influence Mahinda’s decisions. As a result, Mahinda resolved to protect Ranil’s position. Before the UNP working committee met to select a party leader, Mahinda reached out to its members, urging them to support Ranil, promising to fulfil their wishes. When speaking to those aligned with Sajith, he persuaded them to withdraw Sajith from the race, assuring them that Sajith’s time would come.
At that time, it was Mahinda who shielded Ranil. When a demonstration later erupted at Sirikotha demanding Ranil’s resignation, Ranil, in fear, turned to Mahinda for help. In response, Mahinda ordered the road to be blocked. Mahinda watched with amusement as Ranil and Mangala’s supporters attacked Sajith’s rally from Matara with cinnamon sticks, which was calling for Ranil’s departure.
However, during the election for party leader and deputy leader, tensions escalated. When thugs from within Sirikotha attacked Sajith’s group, Sajith’s supporters retaliated by throwing stones. To protect Sirikotha, Mahinda had Sajith’s group arrested. Even Sajith’s mother, Hema, who had brought food for the group, was questioned by security personnel.
Mahinda did all of this to ensure that Namal would eventually rise to power, keeping Ranil in both the UNP leadership and the opposition leadership. Few people know that Mahinda also intervened during the conspiracy to remove Ranil from the Prime Ministership, ultimately saving his position by speaking directly with Ranil. Both Mahinda and Ranil feared that Maithri would appoint Sajith as Prime Minister. Ranil preferred Mahinda’s presence over Sajith’s, which is why Ranil agreed to move to the opposition without a fight the day after the coup.
When Mangala parted ways with Ranil and aimed to make Sajith the candidate for the 2019 presidential election, Mahinda and Ranil collaborated on a proposal to abolish the executive presidential system. Ravi took the lead in the initial efforts, but resistance from both Mangala and Gotabaya’s camp ultimately stalled the plan.
After Ranil lost his seat in the 2020 general election, defeated by 20,000 votes, Mahinda and Shiranthi visited Ranil’s wife, who was undergoing medical treatment, alongside Namal. They urged Ranil to return to Parliament via the national list to eliminate Sajith, rebuild the UNP, and hold onto the opposition until Namal could further solidify his position. When Ranil appointed Ruwan Wijewardena as the deputy leader of the party, Mahinda publicly supported Ruwan, believing that with Sajith out of the way, the UNP could be reestablished under Ranil’s leadership until Namal was ready to step forward.
Mahinda was convinced that despite Gotabaya’s lack of efforts to elevate Namal, Ranil, though not a brother by blood would pave the way for Namal’s ascent. It is widely known that Mahinda instructed Gotabaya to offer Ranil the prime ministership while negotiations were ongoing with Sajith, Fonseka, Dullas, and Wijeyadasa for the same role during the political crisis. The Rajapaksa family believed that if Sajith or Fonseka became Prime Minister, Namal’s prospects would be jeopardized. It was also Mahinda who directed Gotabaya to appoint Ranil as the Acting President after Gotabaya’s departure. Throughout all of this, Mahinda’s strategy was centered on ensuring that Ranil would neutralize Sajith, the greatest threat to Namal, thereby clearing the path for Namal to ascend to power.
However, neither Ranil nor Mahinda could halt Sajith’s progress, and now Ranil has become the greatest threat to Namal’s advancement. Mahinda, who handed over Namal and the Pohottuwa party to Ranil as if handing chickens to a fox, now finds himself in a very vulnerable position. Even though the lion may be old, sick, and decaying, it does not eat grass. Mahinda, like such a lion, has never been one to back down, even against powerful nations like the United States, Great Britain, France, or India.
“So, would he be afraid of Ranil…?”
It’s hard to believe that Mahinda fears Ranil. It appears that he thrust Namal into the race to challenge Ranil directly. Namal’s bid for candidacy at this time is surprising—it shows he is not a mere crown prince but a prince fighting for the crown. After the government’s defeat, it’s not easy to cleanse the party of corrupt figures, as they cling to their seniority and occupy prominent positions. Yet, Ranil has managed to absorb the corrupt elements from Pohottuwa, leaving the party clean for Namal.
Now, the so-called “forty thieves” are with Ranil. The Rajapaksa family and their Cabinet of Ministers are blamed for bankrupting Sri Lanka. If Pavithra Wanniarachchi had managed the COVID crisis effectively instead of resorting to superstitious practices, the country’s foreign reserves might not have been depleted. Aluthgamage’s mishandling of the “excrement ship” incident angered China, and Japan was similarly alienated by Nimal Siripala’s actions with the Japan Light Rail project. The entire country knows the identity of the “ratharan” (gold). Gotabaya even sent the police to raid Nimal Lanza’s house over drug-related allegations. Prasanna, notorious for his extortion cases, has earned the nickname “Extortion Prasanna.” Those familiar with Kanchana Wijesekera and his father’s dealings are well aware of their reputation. This is Ranil’s team now, and no one is happier than Namal to see them with Ranil. They consider this an impossible situation.
The upcoming presidential election is shaping up to be a battle of gratitude between Ranil and Namal. Mahinda, Namal, and the Rajapaksa family were instrumental in making Ranil the Prime Minister and President. The Pohottuwa ministers who joined Ranil and became ministers did so because of Mahinda. Now, President Ranil and the ministers and MPs created by Mahinda are engaged in a battle, turning against each other.
Since 1951, those who staunchly supported the SLFP and cast their votes for Mahinda in 2018, standing by the principle of “where Mahinda is, we are,” still reside in the villages. These loyal supporters are likely to teach a lesson in gratitude to Ranil and the Pohottuwa defectors in this election.
