Padme’s Crackdown Marks Watershed Moment in Sri Lanka’s Drug War
President Takes Command: Direct Role in High-Stakes Padme Mission
Geneva Showdown: Core Group Vote Poised to Tip UNHRC Balance
Will India Break Ranks on Sri Lanka at Crucial UNHRC Vote?
Sajith Sounds Alarm: Looming Economic Meltdown Ahead
Mixed Signals from Govt: Spokesman Fuels Doubt Over Ending Executive Presidency
Ice week commenced
The intensity surrounding the remanding of former President Ranil Wickremesinghe eased following the arrest and extradition of underworld kingpin Kehelbaddara Padme and his associates to Sri Lanka, coinciding with the launch of the ‘Ice Week’ operation.
Throughout the past week, the nation’s media landscape—print, broadcast, and social platforms—was saturated with footage, photographs, and revelations surrounding the dramatic apprehension of Kehelbaddara Padme and his associates. These visuals, coupled with details unearthed during interrogations conducted by the intelligence division, dominated headlines and public discourse. The arrests, executed with precision and intensity, underscored the state’s renewed commitment to law enforcement and national security.
Further intensifying the public’s attention were the discoveries made during these investigations—containers of precursor chemicals used in the production of crystal methamphetamine, intercepted in Middeniya, Nuwara Eliya, and Kandana. These findings not only exposed the scale of the narcotics network but also raised serious questions about the reach and resilience of organized crime within the country.
Citizens watched these developments unfold with a mix of shock and fascination, likening the unfolding events to a high-octane thriller starring Tom Cruise. The gripping nature of the revelations and the swift action taken by authorities have sparked widespread debate, reflecting both the gravity of the situation and the public’s hunger for accountability and justice.
This is not the first time the people of this country have witnessed such events. Similar operations targeting organized crime were carried out during the administrations of former Presidents Gotabaya Rajapaksa and Ranil Wickremesinghe.
Under their leadership, notorious underworld figures operating from abroad were apprehended and brought back to Sri Lanka. Large quantities of narcotics—measured in hundreds of kilograms—were seized. During President Wickremesinghe’s tenure, the “Justice” operation marked a significant escalation in the crackdown on criminal networks.
Initially, the public watched these government-led operations with intrigue, even admiration—like spectators of a gripping cinematic production. However, as the nation plunged deeper into crises, enthusiasm waned, and these spectacles lost their appeal.
Now, under President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, the question arises: are the recent drug busts and arrests of criminal leaders yet another theatrical display? A scripted performance aimed at preserving the administration’s popularity? Or are they part of a genuine, principled campaign to eradicate narcotics and organized crime from the country?
Our extensive investigations reveal that these operations are not mere political showcases. According to sources close to the “Inside Politics” column, the campaign is a meticulously planned and strategically executed effort to dismantle criminal syndicates and eliminate drug trafficking from Sri Lanka. The arrest of Kehelbaddara Padma and his network in Indonesia, followed by their extradition to Sri Lanka, was part of a carefully orchestrated sequence of events.
Through the lens of ‘inside politics,’ we now uncover several developments that have remained hidden until now—including the direct involvement of the President himself in steering these operations. This revelation adds a new dimension to the narrative, suggesting that what unfolds before the public eye may only be a fraction of a far more deliberate and high-stakes national security initiative.
Aura takes over
During the covert operation to apprehend Kehelbaddara Padma in Indonesia, President Anura Kumara Dissanayake was actively engaged via video technology, offering strategic guidance to the Sri Lankan police team deployed overseas.
Though this level of involvement has not been officially disclosed by any party until now, sources confirm that the President was kept informed of every development from the moment the team departed Sri Lanka. Due to the sensitive nature of the mission, all parties involved maintained absolute confidentiality, ensuring no information leaked beyond authorized circles.
This operation, in its precision and secrecy, mirrors the U.S. mission to capture Al-Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden—an event watched live from the White House by then-President Barack Obama. Sri Lanka’s security apparatus now possesses similar technological capabilities, enabling the President to remain directly involved throughout the Padme operation. Unlike previous administrations, where heads of state remained largely detached from tactical enforcement, President Dissanayake is reported to have taken a hands-on leadership role in this mission.
Unthinkable Revelations
Reports further indicate that for several weeks prior to the operation, investigative teams and the President engaged in extensive, high-level discussions. These exchanges, described by sources within the “Inside Politics” directive as deeply consequential, highly sensitive, and laden with critical intelligence, shaped the strategic direction of the mission. The gravity of the information shared necessitated that all decisions and future actions remain strictly classified, with heightened vigilance from all stakeholders.
According to intelligence gathered during these confidential briefings, the criminal network led by Kehelbaddara Padme was responsible for nearly 50% of Sri Lanka’s narcotics trade. The operation revealed vast details about the drug trafficking infrastructure, including importation routes and distribution channels. It became evident that dismantling Padme’s network—and neutralizing a handful of key underworld figures—could effectively cripple half of the country’s drug trade.
Investigators informed the President that once this dominant faction is neutralized, the remaining networks would be rendered ineffective, paving the way for a complete eradication of narcotics and organized crime from Sri Lanka. This intelligence has now positioned the Padme operation not merely as a tactical success, but as a turning point in the nation’s war against drugs.
A Deepening Crisis: Alleged Drug Network’s Reach into Political and State Institutions
Recent analysis points to the existence of a far-reaching and entrenched network that extends well beyond mere drug dealers and street-level peddlers. Evidence suggests that elements of this network have infiltrated influential institutions, including highly sensitive sectors of the state apparatus, and have forged connections with powerful individuals within those spheres.
According to information emerging from Kehelbaddara Padme, the Inside Politics column is poised to make a significant revelation: in the coming days, a series of developments could trigger major upheavals within the state machinery—extending beyond the political realm, where signs of turbulence are already apparent. While in the past much attention has been placed on politicians allegedly linked to the narcotics trade, current indications point to a widening probe that could implicate figures across several other domains as well.
In parallel, intelligence sourced from Kehelbaddara Padme suggests that the government is once again facing scrutiny following the discovery of two containers containing precursor chemicals used to manufacture crystal meth (“ice”) on land reportedly owned by a local politician aligned with the Pohottuwa faction in the Middeniya area.
This discovery has reignited earlier allegations concerning the release of 323 red-labelled containers without inspection—a controversy that has dogged the government since it assumed office a few months ago.
The President’s own committee, appointed to investigate that matter, later confirmed that these 323 containers had indeed been released without inspection. Consequently, the opposition questioned last week whether the two containers now discovered were part of that same batch. Opposition lawmakers have also raised concerns in Parliament as to why these containers were not intercepted earlier, despite prior alerts from both foreign and domestic intelligence agencies.
It has since come to light that an American intelligence agency reportedly alerted local authorities about these two containers as far back as late last year or early this year—a claim the Narcotics Bureau has also confirmed. Yet, the release of these containers despite such warnings has raised grave questions about accountability and oversight.
Adding to the political tension, this information first appeared in the state-run Dinamina newspaper, prompting Pohottuwa’s national organiser Namal Rajapaksa to raise the issue in Parliament, citing the newspaper by name. Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa also pressed the government for answers on the same matter.
In an unexpected twist, Rajapaksa and his family subsequently came under heavy attack from government-aligned social media accounts and government figures. Notably, Deputy Minister of Public Security Sunil Watagala publicly implied that Namal Rajapaksa was linked to the drug operation uncovered in Middeniya.
In response, Namal has issued a legal notice demanding one billion rupees in damages from Watagala for defamation, warning of legal action if compensation is not paid within 14 days. Watagala, for his part, has countered by declaring that if Namal fails to sue him within that time frame, he will initiate legal proceedings against Namal himself.
A Purge Within the Prisons
In a series of high-level discussions, the government has reportedly addressed the dismantling of the drug trafficking network, with particular emphasis placed on the alarming scale of corruption and criminal activity festering within the prison system. It is now an open secret that narcotics operations are being facilitated from within prison walls, aided by a network of privileges extended to underworld figures. These operations are allegedly enabled by a small but deeply entrenched group of corrupt prison officials, whose complicity has turned incarceration into a strategic advantage for criminal masterminds.
Rather than curtailing their influence, imprisonment has paradoxically empowered these figures to orchestrate drug deals and underworld activities with greater ease than if they were operating outside.
This revelation has prompted a series of decisive and strategic discussions aimed at dismantling the corrupt prison infrastructure. New proposals have emerged to overhaul the system, including measures to determine where high-profile detainees should be held, how they should be interrogated, how their security should be ensured, and—critically—how to sever their communication with external networks.
According to sources close to the “Inside Politics” desk, the government has launched a parallel operation focused on cleansing the prison system as part of its broader campaign against narcotics and organized crime.
A Battle in Geneva
While the government wages war against drugs and organized crime domestically, it now finds itself embroiled in a diplomatic confrontation on the global stage—specifically, at the United Nations Human Rights Council in Geneva. During last week’s session in Switzerland, Sri Lanka faced renewed scrutiny and pressure from Western nations, including the UK, Germany, Canada, Malawi, and Montenegro, who have reportedly tabled a resolution critical of Sri Lanka’s human rights record.
This development was anticipated for months, with reports indicating that a coordinated campaign was underway to pass a strong resolution against Sri Lanka during the September session. The resolution is said to have significant momentum, backed by a coalition of nations that form the Council’s “Core Group.”
Representing Sri Lanka, Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath took a firm stance by rejecting the report presented by UN High Commissioner Volker Türk, which detailed systemic abuses, including arbitrary detention, torture, and deaths in custody under the current administration. The government’s rebuttal signals its intent to resist external pressure while asserting its sovereignty in domestic affairs.
Geneva Resolution Proposals on Sri Lanka
The United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC), through its Core Group, has tabled a resolution urging the Government of Sri Lanka to take decisive and transformative steps toward reconciliation, accountability, and the protection of human rights. The resolution outlines the following key demands and acknowledgments:
Governance and Devolution
- The Sri Lankan government is called upon to demonstrate its commitment to political power-sharing essential for lasting peace and equal human rights for all communities.
- It is encouraged to respect provincial governance, including the conduct of timely elections, and to ensure that all Provincial Councils—particularly in the North and East—function effectively under the 13th Amendment to the Constitution.
Addressing Structural Failures
- While acknowledging Sri Lanka’s efforts to resolve its economic crisis, the resolution highlights the need to confront underlying structural issues such as militarization, corruption, impunity, and governance failures that have contributed to systemic human rights violations.
Equality and Non-Discrimination
- The resolution reaffirms that all Sri Lankans, regardless of religion, ethnicity, or belief, are entitled to enjoy their human rights in a peaceful and unified society.
Protection of Vulnerable Groups
- It emphasizes the importance of promoting and safeguarding the rights of women and children, including combating gender-based violence.
Accountability for Past Abuses
- A comprehensive accountability process is urged for violations committed by all parties, including abuses by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE).
- The resolution calls for prosecutions of those responsible for grave breaches of international human rights and humanitarian law.
Specific Measures and Recommendations
- UN Reports: Welcomes the oral update and written report presented by the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights at the 60th session.
- High-Level Engagement: Acknowledges the High Commissioner’s June 2025 visit to Sri Lanka and encourages continued dialogue and implementation of recommendations.
- Corruption and Economic Crimes: Urges investigations and prosecutions of current and former officials involved in corruption and economic mismanagement.
- Historical Reconciliation: Recognizes the pain caused by decades of ethnic conflict and calls for inclusive acknowledgment of shared suffering and a commitment to democratic reform.
- Repeal of the PTA: Welcomes the government’s commitment to repeal the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA), expresses concern over continued detentions, and urges a moratorium and expedited repeal.
- Online Safety Act: Encourages amendments to ensure compliance with international standards, particularly regarding freedom of expression and judicial oversight.
- Enforced Disappearances: Highlights unresolved cases and mass graves, and calls for strengthening the Office on Missing Persons with international support.
- Easter Sunday and Other Cases: Urges reopening investigations into emblematic cases, including the Easter Sunday bombings, and calls for expedited and impartial legal proceedings.
- Independent Prosecutorial Mechanism: Welcomes the proposal to establish an independent public prosecutor and encourages the creation of a judicial mechanism with international oversight.
- Fair Trials: Calls for prompt, impartial investigations and prosecutions of all alleged violations, ensuring full participation of victims and their representatives.
- Protection from Reprisals: Demands an end to harassment and reprisals against civil society actors, journalists, victims, and especially women.
- Land Release and Disputes: Urges the release of lands still occupied by the military and calls for transparent resolution of religious and archaeological land disputes.
- Monitoring and Reporting: Supports the extension of the High Commissioner’s mandate and requests oral and written updates at future UNHRC sessions, culminating in a comprehensive report at the 66th session.
The Vote Is the issue
At the heart of this session lies a decisive moment: the vote on the resolution brought against Sri Lanka at the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) in Geneva. While the Council comprises a large number of member states, only 48 hold voting rights.
During last week’s interactive dialogue, 43 countries expressed support for Sri Lanka. However, of these, only 13 possess actual voting power within the Council. Thus, while it is anticipated that these 13 nations will vote in favour of Sri Lanka, the outcome of the resolution remains uncertain and deeply contested.
Japan Steps Forward… But What About India?
Despite past tensions with Sri Lanka, Japan surprised many by voicing support for Sri Lanka during the current session. Yet, Japan’s close alignment with Western nations raises a critical question: will it vote against the resolution, or will it abstain to maintain neutrality? This ambiguity casts a shadow over Japan’s final stance.
India’s position is even more pivotal. Initial reports suggested India would fully back Sri Lanka. However, during last week’s dialogue, India’s representative introduced conditions—calling on the Sri Lankan government to uphold the human rights and voting rights of the Northern and Eastern populations. Specifically, India emphasized the need to implement the 13th Amendment and conduct long-delayed Provincial Council elections.
This signals a potential shift: India may exert pressure on Sri Lanka to fulfil these democratic obligations. Former MP and Tamil National Alliance (TNA) General Secretary M.A. Sumanthiran interpreted India’s remarks as a positive message in favour of holding Provincial Council elections. Yet, contrasting views emerged from JVP General Secretary Tilvin Silva, who stated during a visit to Jaffna that elections cannot be held until the delimitation process is complete—a process for which no timeline was provided, raising further questions.
Can We Afford to Ignore It?
Given the current developments in Geneva, there is growing concern that the resolution against Sri Lanka may pass with a significant majority.
In the past, during the Rajapaksa administration, such resolutions were dismissed with bravado—statements like “So what if it passes?”, “Does it even matter to us?”, or “We don’t value these resolutions at five cents” were common. But that posture is no longer tenable. Many now argue that if this resolution is adopted, the consequences could be severe.
One major concern is the potential imposition of travel bans on individuals accused of war-related human rights violations—possibly including prominent political figures. Moreover, since the resolution is spearheaded by the United Kingdom, its passage could jeopardize the preferential tax concessions currently granted to Sri Lankan apparel exports. Under the Trump administration, a 20% tariff was imposed on Sri Lankan goods, but the UK stepped in with a 0% tariff to support the industry. If the UK-led resolution passes, that support could be withdrawn.
European Pressure Mounts
Germany and other European nations backing the resolution raise further alarms. The European Union’s GSP+ tax concessions—vital to Sri Lanka’s garment sector—could also be at risk. This economic vulnerability adds urgency to the question: has the government managed the Geneva issue effectively?
If the resolution passes, Sri Lanka’s Permanent Mission in Geneva will require strong leadership to launch a robust diplomatic counteroffensive.
Is Bankruptcy Looming Again?
Amid these developments, Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa recently warned in Parliament that Sri Lanka faces another bankruptcy risk by 2028. According to the foreign debt restructuring roadmap, repayments must begin that year.
To meet those obligations, the country needs to sustain a 5% annual economic growth rate starting now. However, current growth hovers around 3.5%, and both the World Bank and Asian Development Bank forecast further decline.
A revealing moment came last week during a Parliamentary Finance Committee meeting. Treasury officials admitted that growth could fall to 3.1% this year. When MP Harsha de Silva cited a 5% projection, officials were reportedly unable to respond—reinforcing Sajith’s warning of a looming economic crisis.
Election Calculus and Constitutional Maneuvers
Sources indicate the government is aware of the risk and is planning a strategic shift in the political landscape. There are signs of preparations for snap general elections in late 2027.
To facilitate this, the government is reportedly considering abolishing the executive presidency and reintroducing a parliamentary system via constitutional amendment.
Following this revelation, a journalist questioned Cabinet Spokesman Nalinda Jayatissa at last week’s media briefing. Nalinda responded that the government has no immediate plan to abolish the executive presidency, but may revisit the idea once the economy stabilizes.
However, this response has sparked public doubt. The JVP has long promised to eliminate the executive presidency, with Anura Kumara Dissanayake positioned as the final executive president. Nalinda’s remarks now cast uncertainty over that pledge.
“Lies… lies… lies…”
Also, last week we made another very special revelation, exposing with evidence a lengthy account about the operations launched against Sajith immediately after former President Ranil Wickremesinghe — who had been taken into custody and hospitalised — was released and came out.
At that time, we pointed out that Ranil had carried out a very subtle media operation to place Sajith in difficulty by publishing false news through his news-plant clique and through the newspaper group owned by Ruwan Wijewardene, who is part of his inner circle.
We also stated then that false news items were planted in Ruwan’s newspapers — Lankadeepa and Sunday Times — claiming that Sajith was to be taken into custody by the Bribery Commission, and that the UNP had invited the SJB to its convention, intending to break the unity that had been building between the UNP and the SJB.
We revealed this not for any other reason, but to show the country that Ranil, his news-plant clique, and the newspaper group owned by his family were the masterminds behind the operation to destroy UNP–SJB unity.
As of today, everything we revealed has been proven true — because the Bribery Commission has not issued any notice asking Sajith to give a statement, contrary to what Lankadeepa claimed about a prominent opposition figure being taken into custody, and because the UNP has not invited the SJB to its convention as the Sunday Times claimed, and because the news published by Sirasa Instagram social media saying that the Bribery Commission was going to question Sajith has turned out to be false.
A strange kind of affection
However, while Ranil’s side was continuously striking blow after blow at Sajith by creating such false news targeting him, some of Ranil’s closest associates — Sagala, Ranil’s private secretary Sandra, and one of the key figures in the news-planting clique — had repeatedly taken steps to send phone calls and WhatsApp messages to Sajith, saying that Ranil wanted to talk to him and that he should immediately return Ranil’s call.
In some of the WhatsApp messages that came like that, it was stated that Ranil had instructed Sajith to take legal measures immediately to obtain the anticipated bail. Some of them, when calling Sajith, had told him that “the letter to take you into custody has already been signed.” Some of them even spoke to him in a way showing a strange kind of affection towards Sajith. However, since Sajith already knew well the beginning, the middle, and the end of this whole series of events, he did not respond to any of those phone calls or WhatsApp messages. Eventually, since these calls became a nuisance, what Sajith did was block all those phone numbers. The reason was that by then Sajith had understood that what they were trying to do was frighten him and drag him too into Ranil’s boat.
Sajith’s name not mentioned anywhere
Accordingly, this time we are ready to reveal another piece of information from the ‘Inside Politics’ file. That is, in the complaint made regarding obtaining the support of employees of the Engineering Corporation for the renovation of Sirikotha, Sajith’s name is not mentioned anywhere. There is no allegation made against Sajith in it.
That complaint has been submitted, saying that, at that time, the support of employees of the Engineering Corporation was obtained for the renovation of Sirikotha at the request of the then UNP General Secretary.
Sajith’s firm decision
Amidst all this, at the very beginning of last week, Sajith took steps to attend the opposition party leaders’ meeting and to summon both the SJB parliamentary group meeting and the executive committee meeting.
Accordingly, on the last Monday, all the representatives of the opposition parties came to the opposition leader’s office to attend the party leaders’ meeting. What was most notable there was that Vajira and Akila participated representing the UNP.
As usual, Vajira had joined after having a four-cornered discussion with Ranil beforehand. However, what was discussed here was how to create a common understanding within the opposition against the government’s repression. Sajith only spoke about that matter and did not pay attention to any other topic.
After that, the SJB parliamentary group meeting began, and since it was a parliamentary week, there were lengthy discussions about the matters to be raised in Parliament.
On Monday night, the SJB executive committee meeting was held. There again, a discussion arose regarding the possibility of uniting the UNP and the SJB. Many people expressed their opinion, saying that if they are to win future elections, these two parties must work together.
After hearing various opinions from MPs, Sajith made a special statement there:
“I have no problem at all with uniting the two parties. I have no problem with forming an alliance either. But we have a way of working. Our method is clear. So, stop these people from talking here and there about this. We must speak in one voice. Therefore, from here on, only the party general secretary will speak to the media about this topic.”
That was the clear statement Sajith made on that occasion.
Expel violators
The Executive Committee also made a decision on the selection of local government candidates based on the list. A decision was made to appoint a permanent discipline committee to maintain party discipline. All violators of discipline would be dealt severely, irrespective of their ranks.
Sajith expressed that due to some MPs agitation to nominate their relations to the councils, filling of some members in local government institutes is still pending. This is not allowed to happen in future, and the party’s decision to appoint the next highest preferential vote recipient would be carried out strictly. Sajith requested the executive committee to give a ruling on this.
Harsha responded immediately and said the party’s decision should be implemented, and all executive committee members endorsing this said that due to one person’s needs and wants, the party’s decision cannot be changed.
After the meeting, responding to the media all members refrained from commenting about the decision made and said to ask the party secretary.
Hence party secretary briefed the media separately on the decisions made and further responding to a media question, said the UNP–SJB unity talks would continue and the way the elections would be contested and the creation of an alliance would continue.
As per our revelation in this column, the efforts of Ranil and others to frighten Sajith and bring him to their feet fell apart.
Mahinda left…. Chandrika?
One of the main promises made when the Malima government came to power was to revoke the privileges, official residences, salaries, pensions, and security provided to former presidents and ministers. It was stated that public tax money would no longer be spent on their behalf.
Accordingly, at the initial stage of coming to power, the government publicly announced that all former presidents should vacate their official residences. However, Mahinda, Chandrika, and Maithri did not act in accordance with the government’s request to leave their official residences.
Later, the government proceeded to present a bill to Parliament regarding this matter. Upon receiving information about it, Ranil, Maithri, Chandrika, and Mahinda jointly planned to take legal action against it.
However, as support for the bill in Parliament began , Chandrika was the first to withdraw from the fight to retain her official residence. Ranil also issued a statement to the media saying that he had no issue regarding the privileges.
According to a previous Inside Politics column revelation, Chandrika had initially requested the Rosmead ‘Walawwa’ from her sister Sunethra. After it was rejected, she planned to rent a house in the Horton place area. However, due to the controversy, complications arose in acquiring the rental house, and ultimately, Chandrika decided to hand over the Torrington official residence to the government and return to Horagolla ‘Walawwa’.
However, about three weeks ago, Chandrika suffered a fall from the stairs, prompting doctors to perform surgery on the hip area. As a result, Chandrika has now sent a letter to the government requesting permission to remain at the Torrington official residence for another two months, and has stated that she is prepared to bear the rental cost for that period.
Anura spoke
However, before this draft was passed in Parliament, a special discussion was held under the leadership of the President with officials from the Ministry of Public Administration, who are in charge of these official residences. The discussion focused on the procedure for reclaiming the official residences by the government after the bill was passed. Although the departure of Ranil, Maithri, and Chandrika from their official residences did not attract public attention, Mahinda’s departure became a public topic, prompting an extended discussion on how to handle that situation.
During the meeting, the President expressed the view that even if the bill was passed, former presidents should not be evicted from their official residences all at once. Instead, a letter should first be sent stating that the residences would be handed over to the Ministry of Public Administration following the bill’s approval, and that a reasonable period should be granted for the former presidents to vacate.
It was also decided that if any former president failed to vacate within that time, a letter would be sent through the ministry informing them that legal action would be taken.
Additionally, it was reported that during the discussion, there was an exchange of ideas about launching a major social media campaign through Malima, suggesting that if the former presidents did not vacate, their children might face difficulties in caring for their fathers.
Mahinda Stepped Down
However, although many believed that Mahinda would continue to stay in the official residence, that did not happen. Upon learning that the bill would be passed in Parliament, Mahinda immediately decided to move to his family home, Carlton House in Tangalle. While many referred to it as the Medamulana Walawwa, it is a ‘walawwa’ (manor) only in name. Its facilities are modest.
After informing his family of the decision, both Yoshitha and Rohitha said that Mahinda and Shiranthi could live in their homes in Colombo. But Mahinda declined. He stated that if he had to come to Colombo for an essential task, he would stay at Yoshitha’s or Rohitha’s house only for that day, and that he preferred to spend the twilight of his life at Carlton House, where he was born.
Although many people offered suggestions to arrange a residence in Colombo, Mahinda politely rejected all of them, saying he was going back to the village. Some even proposed that he should fight to retain the official residence, but Mahinda told them that once the law was passed, he would not spend even a moment there and would leave the official residence in compliance with the law.
Accordingly, it is reported that the government has now launched the second phase of reclaiming these official residences. Within the next few days, another letter will be sent to all former presidents, informing them of the number of security personnel assigned to them, their accommodation arrangements, housing rent, and the number of vehicles provided to them.
Hema Was the First to Give It Up
However, when discussing official residences, we are prepared to report another special detail through this edition of the ‘Inside Politics’ column—something unknown to most. It concerns the privileges granted to the widows of former presidents. After the assassination of former President Ranasinghe Premadasa, under the prevailing law, all privileges were granted to Mrs. Hema Premadasa. Accordingly, she received an official residence, security, and a pension.
But the little-known fact is that since 2019, Mrs. Hema Premadasa has not used any of these privileges. That is, in 2019, she took steps to hand over everything—including the official residence—to the government.
When the government was preparing to introduce the bill to revoke presidential privileges, Ranil, Mahinda, and Maithri attempted to involve Mrs. Hema Premadasa in their protest against it. They sent messages asking her to sign the relevant letter. In response, Mrs. Premadasa informed all of them that the revocation of presidential privileges was a promise made by the current government, and that she had no objection to it. Therefore, she would not sign any letter.
This response from Mrs. Premadasa was a key reason why Chandrika and Ranil also withdrew from the fight to retain privileges. However, to this day, Mrs. Premadasa has not made any public statement about the matter. Even though Sajith is active in public politics, he too has never spoken a word about it publicly.
We report this through the ‘Inside Politics’ column because the credit for this principled stance rightfully belongs to Mrs. Hema Premadasa.
