Sri Lanka’s first Marxist coalition government was the coalition formed jointly by the Lanka Sama Samaja Party (LSSP) and the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP). The finance minister of this government was LSSP leader Dr N. M. Perera. The UNP was deeply afraid of this government. The combination of the Marxists’ strength with the charismatic image of then Prime Minister Mrs Bandaranaike caused great alarm within the UNP, which was in opposition at the time.
The Marxists did not believe in religion. As a result, both Buddhist monks and the Church viewed the SLFP–Marxist coalition government formed in 1964 with suspicion. By this time, Mrs. Bandaranaike’s government had already angered the Church by attempting to nationalise schools run by the Church. UNP leader and Leader of the Opposition Dudley Senanayake, along with J. R. Jayewardene, who was known as the UNP’s chief strategist, reflected on the growing Buddhist opposition that was building against the government.
By then, Dudley and J. R. had inherited a UNP whose Sinhala Buddhist voter base had been badly damaged by former Prime Minister and UNP leader Sir John Kotelawala, who was accused of making reckless statements about paving over temple courtyards. Despite this, Dudley enjoyed a high level of acceptance among Sinhala Buddhists and Buddhist monks.
“Dudley, you are the one who can harness this force.”
J. R. told Dudley.
At the time, Dudley was dressed in a tie and coat. He removed his suit, donned a sarong and banian, went to the Temple of the Sacred Tooth Relic, and explained to the Mahanayake Theras the dangers of the disappearance of religion under communism. Dudley and J. R. entrusted the task of mobilizing monks against Marxism to former Chief Justice Hema Henry Basnayake. He was also a former Attorney General and had close relationships with senior monks, including the Mahanayake Theras.
“Sinhala Buddhism is in grave danger. Hema, take charge of this.”
Dudley and J. R. told him.
Hema immediately set to work. By this time, monks such as Mitiagoda Gunarathana Thera and Davamottawa Amarawansa Thera, who enjoyed strong public appeal on the UNP platform, supported Hema. The most popular figure of the UNP’s Sinhala Buddhist force was Palipane Chandanananda Nayaka Thera, the Anunayake of the Asgiriya Maha Vihara. Mirisse Chandajothi Thera also joined them. The Mahanayake Theras of both the Asgiriya and Malwathu chapters blessed this movement.
On the other hand, Archbishop Thomas Cooray, together with Catholic priests, prepared the Catholic community to oppose the Marxist coalition government, which they viewed as hostile to religion. When Mrs Bandaranaike’s government introduced the Press Bill, religious leaders opposed it, accusing the government of attempting to undermine freedom of religion under the guise of restricting media freedom.
With Buddhist monks leading the way and supported by Catholic and Christian priests, the UNP united other opposition parties and launched a struggle to protect religion. The Marxist–SLFP coalition government, formed in 1964—once thought impossible to topple—collapsed rapidly. After nine years, the UNP was able to form a stable government again. Although the UNP formed a minority government following the March 1960 general election, it was defeated immediately at the Throne Speech.
Today, Sri Lanka does not have a Marxist coalition government but a Marxist JVP government. Although the government has abandoned Marxist economic policies and is implementing a liberal economic policy, culturally it is projecting an image very different from those of the governments of the past 76 years. Differences are visible between previous governments and the current one in relation to history as a subject, sexual matters, military victories, and religious festivals. The arrest of Buddhist monks, akin to adding fuel to the fire, has created unrest within the Sangha community. The Catholic Church, including the Cardinal, has joined this unrest among monks and is advising the government not to insult religious leaders.
Both Ranil Wickremesinghe’s 2002 government and the Maithripala–Ranil government of 2015 faced similar criticism, with allegations that their conduct regarding history education, sexual issues, military victories, and religious festivals posed a threat to Sinhala Buddhist tradition. Ranil was not someone deeply aligned with Sinhala Buddhist traditions or cultural heritage. As a result, his leadership did not resonate with the people of Sri Lanka. Knowing this, Ranil attempted to change the people to suit his leadership rather than adapting himself to them. He tried to change tradition—and that is where he failed.
The JVP is a party that entirely rejects Sinhala Buddhist traditions and cultural heritage. They do not believe in religions or cultures. Now that they have assumed state power, they too face the same problem that Ranil faced. Like Ranil, they are attempting to change the people to suit their party ideology. Although President Anura is trying to change by respecting Sinhala Buddhist traditions and culture, the party itself is not ready to change.
The outcome of the behaviour of Ranil’s 2002–2004 government was the creation of a Sinhala Buddhist wave across the country following the death of the popular monk Soma Thera. Ultimately, that wave succeeded in toppling Ranil’s government and sending a large number of monks to Parliament.
The Ranil government that came to power in 2015 also attempted to control funds allocated to temples through the Cultural Fund. It banned the use of elephants in temple processions. A popular monk, Uduwe Dhammaloka Thera, was arrested. Proposals were made to pass laws legalizing homosexual conduct.
Eventually, the Mahanayake of Asgiriya and the Cardinal jointly held a meeting at Sri Sambodhi Vihara and decided that religious leaders should take to the streets against the government’s policies.
Just as poking a finger into the eye of a man already on the verge of tears, the death of Soma Thera unified the scattered Sinhala Buddhist movements that had emerged in opposition to Ranil’s 2002 government.
The Sinhala Buddhist force opposing the 2015 Ranil government was unified by the 2019 Easter attacks.
“Will a Sinhala Buddhist wave rise against the JVP government as well?”
That cannot be said with certainty. For now, it is a fire smouldering beneath the ashes.
