Joker in the government ranks
Palawatta and compass rivalry resurfaced
Stiff opposition from religious leaders for proposed reforms
Government’s foreign policy in disarray
Ranil’s dinner trap a flop
New Jokes
Week by week, both inside the government and within the opposition, political headlines in Sri Lanka are changing at lightning speed. Normally, such rapid shifts in the national political agenda happen only during times of a general election or a mass uprising. Yet, even in the absence of either, today we see political topics changing moment to moment—a unique condition in itself.
From the government’s side, these topics often serve more as comedy than governance, with new punchlines delivered daily. The star comedian of the current Malima government happens to be none other than the Minister of Industries, Sunil Handunnetti, who has quickly earned the role of chief entertainer for the people.
On the opposition’s side, the shifting headlines take on a darker character — summons to the CID, the Bribery Commission, arrests, remand orders, and cases filed in court. Thus, both government and opposition showcase their own brand of instability, with constant shifts in political discourse exposing deep internal conflicts within each camp. The best example on the government side is, of course, Sunil Handunnetti.
Character ‘Handun’
A glance at the past few months shows that Handunnetti has not provided the country with just one laughable moment, but several. His “famous statements” have become the butt of jokes across social media and the broader public, turning him into a national caricature.
The first was at an international summit when, in response to a question by a moderator, he blurted out: “Is a big queschun.” Even the moderator was visibly thrown off. Soon after, his declaration that “Tsunami is a man-made disaster” sparked a storm of ridicule online.
Later, on Derana’s 360 program, when pressed about his assets, Handunnetti dodged by quipping: “Is that your business?” He then claimed anyone with questions could file complaints at the proper institutions. Once again, the country erupted in laughter at his evasions.
No One to Save Him
The latest episode came just last week. Speaking about Sri Lanka’s tea, Handunnetti declared that Ceylon Tea had “won the Nobel Prize” at a Japanese auction. What had really happened was that Sri Lankan tea had sold at a record price and entered the Guinness Book of Records. By confusing the Nobel Prize with the Guinness World Record, Handunnetti once again became the headline of the week.
But what stood out this time was that not a single MP or minister from either Malima or the JVP came forward to defend him. Usually, if a Malima or JVP leader stumbles, the entire group of 159 MPs rushes to the rescue. Yet, in Handunnetti’s case, not one stepped in. In fact, it appeared that his colleagues themselves felt the sting of embarrassment from his blunders.
Even Bimal laughed.
This was confirmed in full view when Bimal Ratnayake, considered the No. 2 in the JVP government, faced the press at his Transport Ministry last week. When a journalist asked him about Handunnetti, Bimal broke into loud, uncontrollable laughter. He laughed so long and so hard that at one point he turned his head away, rubbed his forehead, and kept laughing. Behind that laughter was a story far deeper than words could express.
This was not the first time Bimal chose gestures and body language instead of words. A similar incident occurred when he attended a function organized by the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung to launch a book by Saman Atawudahetti, who once served as Ranil’s coordinating secretary. At that event, the organizers deliberately placed Ranil and Bimal in the front row next to each other. Ranil, who had arrived earlier, was already seated. When Bimal later sat next to him, he showed his displeasure without a word — closing the eye on Ranil’s side with his hand and looking only to the other side. That photograph went viral on social media at the time. Now, just as then, Bimal’s laughter at Handunnetti’s mention has spread widely on social media.
Bimal Delivering a Return Blow?
The real question is, why would a JVP heavyweight like Bimal laugh so publicly at Handunnetti? There’s a reason. Some months after the Malima government came to power, Bimal gave a televised interview where he said the “face of government must change.” He even hinted at the Prime Minister’s post, saying the “engine” of government must be overhauled, with portfolios reshuffled and a cabinet change imminent. We reported on this in Inside Politics.
But not long after, Handunnetti appeared on another channel and contradicted Bimal directly. He insisted no cabinet reshuffle was planned, no such discussions were happening, and every minister was performing their duties properly. Though many failed to notice, this was a thinly veiled rebuke to Bimal, and it placed him in an awkward position. Political observers said Handunnetti’s words reflected the President’s hand in using him as a weapon against Pelawatte’s Bimal.
So, when Bimal laughed last week at his press briefing, many saw it as payback — a “return shot” at Handunnetti. At the same time, it was also taken as a signal from within the JVP itself: that Handunnetti would not be shielded from his own blunders.
Clash Resurfaces
Despite all denials, the widening rift between Pelawatte and Malima is now increasingly visible. One clear sign came with Harini’s proposed bill in Parliament banning corporal punishment in schools. Teachers’ unions and education groups attacked it fiercely, warning that under such a law, teachers — and even parents — could be jailed for disciplining a child.
Meanwhile, Malima’s government is being hit with heavy accusations of openly promoting homosexuality, introducing liberal education reforms, and even legalizing cannabis cultivation. As these criticisms mounted, Bimal was seen in Parliament stepping in to defend Harini — evidence of his factional loyalty within the split.
Clergy disturbed
But what has now happened is unprecedented: the entire religious community has risen up. The three chief prelates of the Buddhist Orders jointly sent a letter to the President opposing Harini’s reforms — particularly the promotion of homosexuality, the education bill, and the cannabis initiative. Cardinal Malcolm Ranjith, who once tacitly supported bringing Malima to power, also delivered a scathing attack on the government. Likewise, Omalpe Sobitha Thero, another prominent figure who had shown support, has now publicly denounced these moves.
Step Back
Faced with this backlash, Cabinet Spokesman Nalinda Jayatissa began backpedalling, announcing that amendments would be introduced at the committee stage to soften Harini’s bill on corporal punishment. His tone even suggested the possibility of shelving the bill altogether. Yet, at the official World Children’s Day event at Temple Trees, Harini doubled down, reaffirming her commitment to the reforms. This has raised serious doubts among many that Nalinda was merely executing an order from Pelawatte and, once again, the JVP–Malima conflict has burst into the open.
Another Tug-of-War
On the foreign policy front too, a new tug-of-war has now emerged within the government. At the heart of the clash is the President and Harini’s camp aligning closely with the U.S. and the Western bloc, while the Tilvin–Bimal faction has thrown in its lot with the socialist camp led by China, Russia, and Vietnam.
Even during and after the last presidential election, the Anura–Harini group, representing the Western line inside Malimawa, enjoyed strong backing from Washington. U.S. Ambassador Julie Chung was known to have openly favored Anura and Harini. But the socialist bloc, led by Beijing, has firmly stood behind Tilvin, Bimal, and their allies.
This U.S.–China tug-of-war has left major foreign investments in limbo. Massive projects like the Hambantota Chinese oil refinery and the Kerawalapitiya–Sapugaskanda ventures remain stalled, victims of geopolitical arm-wrestling.
Turn towards China
By last week, signs were clear that the government’s foreign policy tilt had shifted decisively towards Beijing. As earlier revealed in the PoliticsInside politics column, construction of the remaining Kadawatha–Meerigama expressway section was handed over to the Chinese, financed not in U.S. dollars but in yuan.
On top of that, the government decided to grant Sinopec 40% of the domestic fuel market as part of the Hambantota refinery project. Step by step, the government appears to be moving away from the U.S.-led West and leaning toward China.
Anura’s “No”
The depth of this rift was exposed during the President’s recent visit to New York. Julie Chung, who was also in the U.S. at the time, made a strong push to get the President to meet Allison Cook, the newly appointed U.S. Undersecretary. The President flatly declined. Instead, it was Foreign Minister Wijitha Herath who sat down with her.
Cook raised serious U.S. concerns over awarding the Hambantota refinery to China. Wijitha responded bluntly: it wasn’t this government’s decision but one taken by the previous regime, and now it was too far advanced to reverse. He also reminded her that while Sri Lanka urgently needed investment, Washington had yet to bring a single dollar into the country.
Washington Hits Back
Chung later reported back to Washington, and the blowback was immediate. While the President was still in the U.S., the State Department issued a public statement denouncing the government’s investment policy as “uncertain” and warning that the JVP’s Marxist, anti-Western ideology was scaring investors away from Sri Lanka.
Yet the President did manage a high-profile meeting with Sergio Gor, Trump’s special envoy for South and Central Asia and a powerful figure in Trump’s inner circle. The talks avoided the China question, focusing instead on U.S. tariffs and security cooperation. Gor promised a new Coast Guard vessel and two C-130 helicopters for Sri Lanka, a pledge that delighted the President.
Gor also extended a special privilege: a direct line to Trump himself. He told the President that any time he wanted to speak with Trump, he only had to call him. But critics warn this “privilege” could turn into a trap—Trump might use it not to help Sri Lanka but to pressure Colombo into halting Chinese investments.
Direct access
Gor also extended a special privilege: a direct line to Trump himself. He told the President that any time he wanted to speak with Trump, he only had to call him. But critics warn this “privilege” could turn into a trap—Trump might use it not to help Sri Lanka but to pressure Colombo into halting Chinese investments.
Photo Controversy
Back home, the biggest uproar came from an official photo of the President with Trump at a UN dinner. Social media erupted, with many insisting it was AI-generated because Melania Trump appeared in identical poses across multiple leaders’ photos. But Inside Politics has confirmed the image is real, taken at Trump’s traditional post-UN summit banquet where each visiting leader gets a brief photo-op.
Still, the online storm forced the White House to send the official version of the photograph directly to the Sri Lankan embassy to silence doubts.
SJB–UNP Merger Talk
After the provincial council elections, strong grassroots sentiment emerged in favour of a merger between the SJB and the UNP. But due to the reluctance and resistance of UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe and a few others, that merger never materialized. A major role in blocking it was played by the Lake House–associated newspaper group Lankadeepa, owned by Ranil’s nephew Ruwan Wijewardene, along with Ranil’s loyal “paid news plant clique” inside the media.
Later, when Ranil was taken into custody, the SJB and Sajith made a sincere effort to stand by him and secure his release. Yet, once out on bail, Ranil returned to his old ways — using Ruwan’s papers to attack Sajith and the SJB. Thus, yet another golden opportunity for unity between the two parties was lost. Even today, Ranil remains focused on splitting the SJB and somehow bringing Sajith down. Inside the SJB, knowingly or unknowingly, a few still aid Ranil’s agenda. One of them is Kabir. For months, Kabir has been holding talks under the pretext of promoting SJB–UNP unity, but in reality sowing chaos within the SJB, exactly as Ranil desired.
Rejecting the Corrupt and the Crooked
This situation led to unrest within the SJB last week. When Ranil was arrested over allegations of misusing public funds for a London trip, the question arose: should the party continue to stand up for those facing allegations of bribery and corruption in the future?
Two weeks earlier, at an SJB working committee meeting, many emphasized that joining hands with unpopular figures tainted by corruption would be disastrous. It would not only erode the SJB’s vote base but also alienate new, younger voters. MP Mujibur Rahuman raised this point publicly, and at a recent press briefing, MP Marikkar too condemned Ranil’s visit to Tangalle to “comfort Mahinda,” calling it unacceptable. He reminded the public that it was Ranil who once urged him in Parliament to call Mahinda a “thief,” but now the same people branded as crooks were sitting side by side with him. Ultimately, the SJB decided it would no longer stand up for anyone facing corruption charges.
Ranil’s Dinner Trap
Amid this backdrop, the SJB’s management committee met last Wednesday at the Opposition Leader’s office. At the same time, Ranil had set another trap: organizing a grand dinner at the Colombo Swimming Club, inviting opposition representatives. Invitations for the Thursday dinner were personally conveyed through phone and WhatsApp calls by Vajira Abeywardena. SJB MPs Ranjith Madduma Bandara, Kabir Hashim, and Tissa Attanayake were among those invited. While the dinner was officially billed as a “thank you” for those who attended the UNP convention, the hidden aim was to draw SJB MPs into Ranil’s circle and trigger fresh divisions within the SJB. Unfortunately, some naïve SJB politicians still fail to grasp Ranil’s games.
Divided Opinion
At Wednesday’s management committee meeting, the issue of alliances came up once again. SJB MPs were clearly divided. One camp argued that forming alliances with corrupt and unelectable figures would destroy the SJB itself. Another group said, “The UNP is still our mother party. Talking with them about an alliance is one thing, and besides, grassroots supporters genuinely want the two parties to unite.”
Responsibility to Kabir
Listening carefully, Sajith then assigned Kabir a special responsibility.
“I’m saying this looking straight into your eyes, Kabir. When Ranil, who threw us out of the party, was arrested, I honestly stood by him, alongside our party, and fought to get him out. But the moment he came out, he turned his fire back on me and on our party. So you must go tell Ranil — stop playing games.”
Kabir replied:
“I’ll tell him that. But we also need to understand this: Ranil’s political career is finished. He has no votes left and no path to victory. So if we can somehow merge the two parties, the greater benefit will be ours.”
The upcoming Thursday dinner hosted by Ranil was also discussed at the meeting. Finally, Sajith tasked Kabir with preparing a report on the procedure for a possible merger between the SJB and the UNP.
“Fine, Kabir. Then draft a report on how these two parties can come together — but make it clear it will be under the leadership of the SJB. You all can propose the details. I don’t care who you have dinner with. But don’t keep talking about this in scattered places. Sit down, work it out properly, and prepare a report. Then we’ll take that to the UNP. Only then will we know their response and whether unity is truly possible. No more secret maneuvers. Let’s do this openly.”
To assist Kabir in this task, Sajith appointed Mujibur Rahuman and S.M. Marikkar to the committee.
SJB Skips Ranil’s Dinner
Last Thursday night, under the leadership of Ranil Wickremesinghe, a dinner gathering was held at the Colombo Swimming Club. Around 18 opposition party representatives attended. Among them were G.L. Peiris, Namal Rajapaksa, Anura Priyadarshana Yapa, Palani Digambaram, Kader Mastan, Udaya Gammanpila, Thalatha Atukorale, Ravi Karunanayake, Harin Fernando, Tiran Alles, Asanka Navarathna, and Vajira Abeywardena.
But the most notable feature of the event was the absence of three invitees from the SJB — Ranjith Madduma Bandara, Kabir Hashim, and Tissa Attanayake — all of whom declined to attend Ranil’s dinner.
Lavishly spread with fine cuisine and premium liquor, the dinner saw Ranil and the opposition representatives agree on several key decisions. The first was to organize a massive rally in Nugegoda, under the joint banner of opposition party leaders. Initially, November 21 was proposed as the date. But following Udaya Gammanpila’s reminder that the government would complete one year in office around that time, the rally was rescheduled to November 11. It was further decided, under Ranil’s leadership, to launch a thousand village-level meetings in parallel with the rally.
“What We Said, Anura Confirmed”
Last week, in our inside politics column, we exclusively revealed that the government had already decided not to introduce any new taxes in the 2026 Budget. We also reported that the government was hoping to significantly reduce the budget deficit this year. Within just 48 hours of our revelation, President Anura Kumara Dissanayake confirmed exactly what we reported, announcing during his visit to Japan that no new taxes would be introduced in the upcoming Budget.
