Ranil’s old dancing moves of stayer stance in Chaos again
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JVP-Compass Feud Escalates: Tensions Boil Over in Red Alliance
Political Turmoil Following Local Government Elections
In the wake of the Compass coalition’s impressive victories in both presidential and general elections, the local government elections held six months later have triggered significant political upheaval across both government and opposition camps.
The release of local election results on the 6th disrupted what had been a relatively stable political landscape, much like a sudden disturbance in still waters. While the ruling party experienced a serious decline in votes, the impact extended well beyond mere numbers, creating tensions throughout the political establishment.
The typically confident JVP and ‘Malima’ leadership notably lacked their usual triumphant demeanor during their May 7th media briefing. General Secretary Tilvin Silva, Minister Bimal Ratnayake, and Malima leader Nihal Abeysinghe appeared visibly subdued. Adding to the atmosphere of uncertainty, the President maintained a conspicuous silence regarding the election outcome, neither issuing statements nor offering commentary.
This presidential silence created a vacuum quickly filled by speculation across social media platforms. Reports circulated of heated exchanges during cabinet meetings, with claims the President had vocally reprimanded various MPs and Ministers. Some sources suggested the President attributed the disappointing results to ill-advised statements from government members during the campaign period. Rumors of an imminent cabinet reshuffle gained traction as a potential strategy to mitigate political damage.
Simultaneously, speculation emerged about internal JVP tensions, particularly between the President and Tilvin Silva. These unconfirmed reports suggested Silva was applying significant pressure for governance strictly aligned with JVP policies, creating ideological friction. Additional rumors pointed to Bimal Ratnayake’s potential appointment as JVP General Secretary, stronger adherence to core JVP principles which too indicated time to time with our column.
The President’s extended silence following the election results allowed these speculations to proliferate. While maintaining a public facade of unity, the administration’s reluctance to address these matters directly fueled perceptions of internal conflict and uncertainty about the coalition’s future direction.
President’s Veiled Warning at JVP Anniversary Event
Against this tense political backdrop, the President made a significant public appearance at the JVP’s 60th anniversary celebration held at Viharamaha Devi Open Air Theatre last Wednesday evening. This marked his first political stage appearance since the conclusion of the election campaign on May 3rd, breaking a conspicuous two-week silence following the disappointing local election results.
The May 14th event featured distinctly partisan symbolism, with red decorations dominating the venue and attendees dressed accordingly. All key JVP leadership was present, joined by invited Compass coalition representatives including Prime Minister Harini Amarasuriya and Compass General Secretary Nihal Abeysinghe.
What had remained speculation about internal coalition tensions was seemingly confirmed through the President’s carefully chosen words:
“First of all, why are we recalling this history? We have seized power. It is a history that has passed away. Why do we need it in the present? Perhaps there is a possibility that there will be whispers here and there that brother, let’s not talk too much about it at this time. I know. Many people expect and hope that we will be able to inherit that history and start the present with a new chapter. I know that some circles are ready to forget that history and be with us. But we believe that we are not able to forget that history and start creating a new chapter, a new future….”
The phrase “some circles” emerged as a coded reference to factions within the government pushing for ideological moderation. The President’s statement represented a clear rebuke to those advocating that the JVP distance itself from its historical positions to broaden its appeal.
Through this declaration, the President delivered an unmistakable message to coalition partners – the JVP would not abandon its foundational principles for political expediency. The implicit ultimatum suggested that coalition members must either accept the JVP’s ideological commitments or reconsider their position in government.
These few carefully chosen words revealed the President’s position after his prolonged public silence, signaling his determination to maintain ideological purity even at the potential cost of coalition stability. The statement stood as both affirmation of core JVP values and warning to those advocating a different political direction following the local election setback.
Tensions Escalating Between JVP and Malima
Our “Inside Politics” column was the first to expose the brewing crisis between the JVP and Malima factions within the government coalition, identifying signs of discord less than two weeks after the presidential election victory. These early tensions manifested clearly during both the nomination process and general election campaign, resulting in several Malima heavyweights losing their seats to JVP representatives—a direct consequence of the interparty rivalry.
We subsequently revealed heated late-night discussions at JVP headquarters in Pelawatte following the general election—meetings that reportedly stretched the President’s patience to its limits. If such fierce disagreements emerged even amid electoral success, one can only imagine the intensity of internal conflict following the unexpected local government election setback.
Many political analysts interpret the President’s recent speech as a thinly veiled attack specifically targeting Prime Minister Harini Amarasuriya, who stands as the preeminent Malima representative within the government. Throughout both the nomination process and election campaign, Harini served as the primary recipient of complaints regarding Malima shortcomings. She frequently engaged in contentious exchanges with JVP leadership over policy and strategic differences.
Significantly, Harini has consistently maintained her independence from the JVP, publicly stating she is not a party member and suggesting that JVP-related issues should be addressed directly with party leadership. Justice Minister Harshana Nanayakkara, another prominent Compass coalition figure, has taken a similar stance, explicitly disavowing JVP membership and rejecting Rohana Wijeweera as his political leader.
These public declarations of ideological distance from core JVP positions by key government ministers appear to have provoked the President’s pointed warning about “some circles” seeking to separate the party from its historical foundations. The speech highlights the fundamental identity crisis facing the coalition—whether to embrace pragmatic governance that might require moderating historical positions, or to maintain ideological purity at the potential cost of broader political support.
The local election results have brought this underlying tension to the forefront, creating a crossroads moment for the government coalition’s future direction and stability.
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Intensified Internal Power Struggle Following Local Election setback
A significant point of contention within the coalition emerged after the general election victory, with Compass representatives expressing serious concerns about their faction’s position within the government structure. Their central argument rests on the dramatic electoral transformation—pointing out that the JVP had historically commanded only a 3% vote share before expanding to an impressive 61% through their partnership with Compass. Many Compass members specifically attribute this remarkable growth to Prime Minister Harini Amarasuriya’s personal appeal and broader coalition efforts rather than JVP ideology alone.
This perspective has met strong resistance from JVP hardliners, particularly Tilvin Silva and Bimal Ratnayake, who maintain that voters were primarily attracted to the JVP’s leftist principles rather than coalition personalities. These influential party leaders have consistently advocated for greater JVP visibility and control within the government apparatus, effectively diminishing Compass’s role despite their substantial contribution to electoral success.
This fundamental disagreement over who deserves credit for the coalition’s rise to power has simmered for months, oscillating in intensity but never fully resolving.
We can now exclusively reveal that ministers and deputy ministers representing Compass have made pointed statements following the local government election setback that dramatically escalate this internal conflict. These officials have explicitly characterized the decline in voter support as primarily affecting the 6.8 million mandate previously secured by the Compass party rather than representing a rejection of core JVP positions.
More significantly, these Compass representatives have issued what amounts to a warning: if the government fails to demonstrate to voters that this is genuinely a Compass-led administration during the remainder of their term, they believe support will inevitably collapse from the coalition’s peak of 61% back to the JVP’s historical baseline of 3%.
This direct challenge from Compass ministers represents a dramatic intensification of the power struggle, now reaching the highest levels of government. The coalition appears to be approaching a critical decision point—whether to embrace the broader, more moderate coalition identity that arguably delivered electoral success, or revert to the JVP’s traditional ideological positions at the risk of significant electoral consequences.
The President’s recent speech, with its emphasis on maintaining historical party identity, suggests a potential direction that may further inflame these tensions rather than resolve them.
International Focus Shifts to PM Amarasuriya
Meanwhile, a significant development has emerged on the international front, with Prime Minister Harini Amarasuriya gaining remarkable prominence among diplomatic and political circles in the United States and European nations. Over recent months, these international observers have developed an increasingly positive assessment of the Prime Minister, viewing her as a potentially transformative figure in Sri Lankan politics.
Foreign policy discussions have notably centered on predictions of a serious socio-economic crisis likely to affect Sri Lanka by next year. Within these diplomatic conversations, Amarasuriya is increasingly positioned as the rare independent figure capable of uniting diverse political factions to navigate through impending economic turbulence. International observers appear convinced that her unique political personality and cross-sectional appeal make her singularly qualified to build the necessary consensus for effective crisis management.
Our “Inside Politics” column has learned that these international discussions have intensified significantly following the local government election results, which seem to have reinforced perceptions of Amarasuriya as a stabilizing force amid political volatility. American authorities in particular have reportedly developed substantial interest in the Prime Minister’s potential role, viewing her as a pragmatic leader who might bridge ideological divides that have historically fragmented Sri Lankan politics.
This growing international endorsement of Amarasuriya stands in stark contrast to the internal coalition dynamics, where her independence from JVP orthodoxy appears to be precisely what has drawn presidential criticism. The emerging situation creates a complex political calculus—with international partners increasingly invested in Amarasuriya’s leadership approach just as domestic party hardliners seems determined to minimize influences they perceive as diluting ideological purity.
This international dimension adds yet another layer of complexity to the already strained coalition dynamics, potentially providing Amarasuriya with external legitimacy even as she faces growing resistance from within her own government’s leadership structure.
Opposition Mobilizes Following Local Election Opening
In the wake of the local government election results, a remarkable shift has occurred within opposition ranks. Despite the government’s national majority, the opposition parties discovered a significant opportunity—they could potentially form governing coalitions in more than 160 local government institutions when working cooperatively. Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa moved swiftly following the results, announcing the SJB’s readiness to honor the voters’ verdict by building broad opposition alliances, effectively signaling his intention to establish control in numerous local bodies.
Premadasa initiated a methodical behind-the-scenes operation to unite opposition factions, carefully avoiding unnecessary publicity while preserving the dignity of all potential partners. The election results created multiple viable coalition paths: in most localities, the SJB could secure majorities simply by partnering with Pohottuwa; in others, adding Dilith Jayaweera’s Sarva Jana Balasandanaya would provide the necessary numbers; while certain districts required broader coalitions including UNP contingents or independent representatives.
Acting decisively, Premadasa personally secured preliminary agreements with key opposition figures—including Pohottuwa’s Namal Rajapaksa, SLFP’s Anura Priyadarshana Yapa, and Sarva Jana Bala leader Dilith Jayaweera. He subsequently delegated the detailed negotiation process regarding position distribution and council composition to SJB General Secretary Ranjith Madduma Bandara, who engaged with counterparts from potential coalition partners.
This substantial opposition initiative initially escaped the government’s notice. When information about the SJB’s extensive operation finally reached Compass leadership, it triggered alarmed reaction from coalition leaders who quickly launched their own counter-operation to salvage control where possible, even in institutions where they lacked clear majorities.
Perhaps most revealing is how the government coalition has been forced to abandon previous principled positions in their scramble to maintain power. During the campaign, both Tilvin Silva and Harini Amarasuriya had categorically rejected cooperation with independent candidates, dismissing them as “the same old rogues” unworthy of voter support or coalition inclusion. However, facing the reality of insufficient majorities in over 160 institutions, this ethical stance collapsed under political necessity. In a striking reversal, Tilvin Silva publicly acknowledged that Compass had initiated discussions with independents to establish governing control—precisely the pragmatic compromise they had condemned weeks earlier.
This dramatic policy shift underscores the coalition’s growing desperation following their electoral setback and highlights the widening gap between campaign rhetoric and governance reality—a contradiction that further threatens their credibility amid mounting internal tensions.
Desperate Measures: Government Ministers Court Opposition Members
In a startling development that reveals the government’s increasingly desperate tactics, certain Malima representatives have reportedly begun direct outreach to both independent and SJB council members, attempting to secure their support for establishing control in local government bodies. This extraordinary breach of political protocol came to light through a remarkable incident during Vesak celebrations attended by Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa.
While Premadasa was participating in a Vesak function, he received an urgent call that his security officer initially attempted to defer. The caller, however, insisted on immediate communication with the Opposition Leader, claiming possession of critical information. When finally connected, the informant revealed a concerning development: a cabinet minister from outside Colombo in the Western Province had just concluded a ninety-minute private meeting with an SJB member who had sought candidacy for the Colombo Municipal Council. This clandestine discussion had taken place at a major Colombo cricket stadium, deliberately chosen for its discretion.
Though occupied with Vesak observances, Premadasa later noticed several missed calls from the very council member in question. When they eventually connected that evening, Premadasa strategically allowed the conversation to progress naturally as the member discussed matters related to the Colombo Municipal Council. Then, with characteristic directness, Premadasa suddenly inquired: “How was the discussion with that minister at the Colombo Ground?”
Visibly startled by the Opposition Leader’s knowledge of the secret meeting, the council member nervously acknowledged the encounter, hastily claiming to have informed party officials about it. When pressed further, the member admitted the minister had requested assistance in establishing government control over the Colombo Municipal Council, framing it as essential to the minister’s political survival. The member claimed to have rejected this overture, stating they would abide by collective party decisions rather than make individual arrangements.
Satisfied but leaving no room for ambiguity, Premadasa delivered a clear warning: the party had already initiated discussions regarding the Colombo Municipal Council, and any members defying party directives would face severe consequences, including potential revocation of their recently secured positions within three months.
This incident represents a remarkable escalation in political desperation—what was once confined to parliamentary-level maneuvering has now descended to local governance structures. The government coalition that once campaigned on principles of political renewal now appears willing to employ the very tactics they previously condemned, approaching opposition members for support despite their public denouncement of such practices. This hypocrisy further undermines their credibility while highlighting the profound impact of their local election setback on both practical governance and ethical consistency.
Strategic Opposition Maneuvers and Ranil’s Countermove
Sajith Premadasa had meticulously designed a diplomatic approach to coalition-building for local government control, planning a sequence of discussions that would preserve the dignity of all potential partners. His strategy involved a three-phase process: first engaging party leaders, then coordinating with party general secretaries, and finally meeting with independent group representatives after the weekend to finalize arrangements.
News of this methodical opposition initiative reached former President Ranil Wickremesinghe, whose UNP had suffered devastating electoral losses. Despite the party’s dramatic decline—securing only 381 Pradeshiya Sabha members nationwide with less than 5% of the total vote—the UNP paradoxically issued a statement claiming major victory while diminishing the SJB’s performance. This seemingly delusional messaging actually served a calculated purpose: to disrupt potential opposition unity that threatened to control over 160 local government institutions.
Wickremesinghe recognized that successful opposition coalitions would significantly elevate both Premadasa personally and the SJB politically. His primary objective became sabotaging the SJB’s efforts to establish control in Colombo Municipal Council, preferring instead that power transfer to the Compass coalition despite his traditional opposition to them.
This position placed Wickremesinghe at odds with UNP senior leadership, including Ruwan Wijewardene and Sagala Ratnayake, who publicly expressed readiness to join forces with the SJB for Colombo Municipal Council control. The newly elected UNP council members likewise favored opposition unity to prevent Compass dominance.
Learning that Premadasa had scheduled meetings with opposition party leaders for Saturday (17th), Wickremesinghe executed a preemptive maneuver—hastily convening opposition leaders at his Flower Road party office before Premadasa’s planned gathering. The UNP contacted SJB General Secretary Ranjith Madduma Bandara, requesting a representative attend. Although already engaged in negotiations across 160 local bodies, Premadasa agreed to send someone, recognizing the invitation’s general nature. SJB Operations Chief Nalin Bandara was designated to attend.
Most revealing was Wickremesinghe’s preparation of a media statement even before the meeting occurred. This predetermined announcement claimed all opposition representatives had agreed to establish local government control under Wickremesinghe’s leadership—an assertion designed to undermine Premadasa’s carefully orchestrated coalition-building and create the impression of unified opposition support for UNP leadership despite their minimal electoral mandate.
This calculated intervention highlights the complex power dynamics within opposition ranks, where personal rivalries and strategic positioning continue to complicate efforts at unified action against the governing coalition.
Ranil’s statement
The leaders of the opposition political parties today (14) reached an agreement to establish power in all local government institutions, including municipal councils, urban councils and Pradeshiya Sabhas, where the National People’s Power Party did not have a majority.
This agreement was reached at a meeting held at the political office on Flower Road, Colombo under the patronage of former President Ranil Wickremesinghe.
According to a decision taken there, the general secretaries of the relevant parties are scheduled to meet tomorrow (15) to prepare the lists of names related to the local government institutions that will establish power.
The meeting, which was chaired by former President Ranil Wickremesinghe, was attended by former Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena, Parliamentarian Nalin Bandara representing the Samagi Jana Balawegaya, National Organizer of the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna Namal Rajapaksa, Sri Lanka Freedom Party representatives Nimal Siripala de Silva and Duminda Dissanayake, Podujana Eksath Peramuna representatives Anura Priyadarshana Yapa.
Workers National Front leader Palani Thigambaran, Democratic People’s Front leader Mano Ganeshan, Pivithuru Hela Urumaya leader Udaya Gammanpila, Ceylon Workers Congress General Secretary Jeevan Thondaman, New Democratic Front representatives Asanka Navaratne, Sugeeshwara Bandara, Weerakumara Dissanayake, former Parliamentarians Pramitha Bandara Tennakoon, Premanath C. Dolawatta, Nimal Lansa, Mohamed Muzammil, representing the United National Party, its Chairman Vajira Abeywardena, General Secretary Thalatha Athukorala, National Organizer Sagala Ratnayake, former Minister Harin Fernando participated.
(Sarvajana Balaya Party Leader Dilith Jayaweera joined this meeting via telephone.)
Former Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena was assigned the task of convening this joint meeting of the opposition party leaders to seize power in the local government institutions.
It has been decided to hold discussions with all the groups against the compass and work together in addition to establishing power.
Ranil’s media henchmen gave a great publicity to this announcement issued by the UNP.
But what was projected as a united front quickly crumbled.
Ranil’s Double Game
Even before the meeting, Ranil was working behind the scenes on another plan. Playing both sides, he approached select opposition MPs, urging them to let the government hold onto power in key local bodies, including Colombo. His pitch: allow the government to maintain control now, and pull the rug from under them later — during the next general or presidential election.
But this subtle sabotage failed. UNP veterans, well aware of Ranil’s Machiavellian instincts, quickly dismantled the plan internally. Similarly, opposition MPs rejected the idea, leaving Ranil scrambling to reassert his influence through media spin.
The Media Blitz — and the Blowback
UNP-controlled media gave prominent coverage to the Flower Road meeting, painting Ranil as the architect of a grand opposition alliance. But the facade shattered quickly. When the media blitz began, concerned Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) members called party leader Sajith Premadasa for clarification.
Sajith’s response was blunt:
“Don’t worry. We’re not forming any alliance with Ranil. We’re simply taking control of local bodies based on the election mandate. Ranil’s media games are his own. I’ve worked with him — I know how he plants stories. We’ll continue our work.”
The first public bombshell came from Dilith Jayaweera himself. Contrary to the UNP’s claims, he categorically denied ever participating in the meeting — by phone or otherwise. He immediately contacted UNP Chairman Vajira Abeywardena and demanded a correction. He also posted a public rebuttal on Facebook:
“The mention of my name in this announcement is completely false. I requested Mr. Vajira Abeywardena to correct this, and he agreed.”
This exposed the UNP’s press release as not only exaggerated — but outright fabricated.
The Collapse of the Narrative
Following Dilith’s denouncement, other party representatives unleashed a torrent of criticism. SJB MP Nalin Bandara, who had attended the meeting, clarified that no agreement had been reached to unite under Ranil’s leadership.
The very next day, the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) completely rejected the UNP’s narrative and refused to attend the follow-up meeting of party general secretaries. SLFP’s Lasantha Alagiyawanna echoed the same, saying no such consensus had been reached.
Within 24 hours, nearly every major party that had attended the Flower Road meeting disavowed the UNP’s statement — effectively gutting Ranil’s attempt to present himself as the leader of a new united opposition.
Adding insult to injury, many opposition members voiced strong objections to Ranil assigning former Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena as coordinator of the alliance. They cited his pro-government bias and past constitutional controversies during his tenure as Speaker — including accusations of distorting parliamentary records. His appointment was viewed as another tone-deaf move by Ranil to manipulate proceedings.
UNP’s Own Rebels Resist Ranil
The irony? Ranil’s own house was divided. While he plotted against Sajith, UNP seniors like Ruwan Wijewardene and Sagala Ratnayake hinted publicly that they preferred an alliance with the SJB to retake Colombo. Newly elected UNP councillors were also pushing to unite with the opposition rather than hand the city to Compass.
What Ranil didn’t expect was the depth of agreement already forming between the SJB, the Pohottuwa, the SLFP, and Sarva Jana Bala. While he played politics, Sajith played strategy—quietly building consensus and securing commitments.
In Ranil’s race to remain relevant, he may have only underlined his growing irrelevance.
Ranil’s Dirty Tricks Unravel
This is just the latest in a long line of failed political games Ranil has tried to play in the shadows. And despite persistent criticism from pro-Ranil elements within the SJB, more andmore people — even longtime UNP insiders — appear to be wakin
Former Minister Ravi Karunanayake put it best. He recalled how under his leadership, the UNP once controlled 58 of the 60 seats in the Colombo Municipal Council. Today, the party holdjust six.
“Two demons inside the UNP have destroyed the party,” Ravi said, hinting at the internal sabotage that has become synonymous with Ranil’s leadership.
This weekend, Sajith is expected to take decisive action at a meeting of opposition leaders to formally consolidate power in over 160 local bodies — including the Colombo Municipal Council — finally moving beyond Ranil’s smoke and mirrors.
The Amari Hotel Fiasco
After the party secretaries’ meeting collapsed, Ranil’s camp attempted a recovery with another discussion at the Amari Hotel in Colpetty last Thursday night. The SJB was invited but pointedly refused to attend.
Speaking to the media after the meeting, Democratic People’s Front leader Mano Ganeshan tried to salvage the moment, saying another discussion would be held in Parliament on Saturday with Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa. But notably, UNP attendees left Amari Hotel in silence — dodging reporters and avoiding comment. The message was clear: another political ploy had flopped.
Will Nandalal also leave?
Amidst all this political turmoil, a widely circulated story in the political arena last week was that Dr. Nandalal Weerasinghe, who is serving as the Governor of the Central Bank, is preparing to step down from that position. The rumor gained momentum because by the end of this month, Mr. Mahinda Siriwardena, who is serving as the Secretary to the Ministry of Finance, had also decided to retire from his position. Both of these are considered to be two powerful figures who contributed to building the country’s economy after the country went bankrupt during the Gotabaya Rajapaksa era. Accordingly, many are of the opinion that if Mr. Nandalal Weerasinghe, the Governor of the Central Bank, also steps down from his position after Mr. Mahinda Siriwardena retires, there is a possibility that some problematic situation may arise in managing the country’s economy under the current crisis situation that has arisen.
In addition, last week, the Chairman of the Electricity Board, Dr. Tilak Siyambalapitiya, appointed by the Malima government, had submited his resignation letter to the Minister. The Chairman, who resigned from his position, had also gone abroad. However, since the reason for the resignation was not announced by the Chairman or the government, great curiosity was seen in this regard. It was reported in some places on social media that a conflict of opinion between Siyambalapitiya and JVP General Secretary Tilvin had led to this resignation.
