Professor G.L., who parted ways with Chandrika’s government and aligned with Ranil following his victory in the 2001 general election, served as an advisor to Ranil alongside S.B. Dissanayake.
‘Chandrika can dissolve the parliament at any time after one year using the presidential power. Therefore, before doing anything else, bring a constitutional amendment so that Chandrika cannot dissolve the parliament…’
This was their advice.
Chief Justice Sarath N. Silva is the main obstacle to these constitutional amendments. “Because of the allegations against him, impeach him and remove him first,” they insisted firmly. However, Ranil ignored their advice. Instead, Ranil signed a cease-fire agreement with the LTTE, initiated peace talks, and involved Norway, America, the European Union, and Japan in these negotiations, seeking India’s support to block Chandrika. He believed that the international community would pressure Chandrika not to dissolve the parliament.
Chandrika will not dissolve Parliament. You break her party by introducing constitutional amendments that would reduce her executive power. Stop bringing impeachment against the Chief Justice…’
Norwegian, American, Japanese, European Union and Indian representatives who went to meet Chandrika told Ranil.
On the night of the dissolution of Parliament, Ranil was in Bentota. G.L., S.B., and V.J.M., the stalwarts of Ranil’s government, said that Chandrika would sign the gazette to dissolve the parliament.
Chandrika wouldn’t do that at any time. You guys go to sleep…’ Ranil said firmly.
‘Sir, I spoke to the Speaker. Speaker Joseph Michael said that if we sign an impeachment against Chandrika, he will send it to Chandrika right now. Then Chandrika will not be able to dissolve the parliament…’
S.B. and V.J.M. advised Ranil.
‘Don’t do anything without asking me…’
Ranil got angry. Just at midnight, Chandrika published the gazette notice dissolving Parliament. The security officer woke up Ranil and informed him.
Ranil would have become the fifth President of Sri Lanka if Chandrika had not dissolved the parliament that day. At that time, Chandrika was pressured by the JVP and Mangala to take this action. Ignoring the international community, Chandrika accepted the advice of Mangala and the JVP. Consequently, the dissolution of parliament aimed to thwart Ranil’s rise. This is how Ranil lost his best chance to become president through a popular vote.
In 2015, Ranil introduced the 19th Constitutional Amendment, which extended the president’s power to dissolve parliament to four years, mindful of what Chandrika had done. Maithripala dismissed this amendment and dissolved the parliament, but the court ruled that the dissolution was illegal.
The decisions taken by the presidents to dissolve the parliament after 1978 have changed the political history of Sri Lanka strangely. 1994 Chandrika became the President after D.B.Wijetunga decided to dissolve the Parliament. 1994 If there was a presidential election without dissolving the parliament, the presidential candidacy of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party would have been subjected to a conflict within the Sri Lanka Freedom Party. Lady leader and daughter Chandrika could have gone into dispute over the candidacy.
Sri Lanka Freedom Party thought that she should be the candidate if she goes to the presidential election. There were seniors. Knowing this conflict, U.N.P. Leaders advised DB to go for the presidential election. But D.B. went to a general election without telling anyone. The lady reluctantly agreed to give Chandrika the prime ministerial candidacy for the general election. That is on the promise of making her a presidential candidate. Those promises were broken after Chandrika won. Before the general election, the S.L.F.P. agreed to make Mrs.Bandaranayake the presidential candidate. The seniors of the party said that after Chandrika won the chief minister, she should be the presidential candidate. Chandrika would have lost her chance to become president if there had been no general election.
Also, if Chandrika did not dissolve the parliament in 2004, Mahinda would not have become president. Ranil would have become the president. The chance for Mahinda to become Prime Minister and President was realized because Chandrika dissolved Parliament.
If the court had ruled that the dissolution of parliament by Maithri 2018 was by the law, a Gotabhaya would not have become the president of the country. Sajith Premadasa will not be the leader of the opposition. At that time, if the court had said that the dissolution of the Parliament by Maitri was legal, then either Prime Minister Mahinda or Opposition leader Ranil. When Maitri dissolved, Parliament Gotabhaya went abroad, dashing his hopes of presidential candidacy.
Today, Ranil is not dissolving the parliament because he is afraid that if UNP loses its way he will lose his last chance to contest the presidential election. Ranil did not have the local government vote because of that fear. Ranil had a dream to become a presidential candidate in 1994. Ranil believed that Wijetunga should quit politics because he is old. Ranil’s dream was disrupted by Gamini. Wijetunga held an emergency general election and shattered the dreams of Ranil and Gamini.
Although the presidential election decides who will be the president of Sri Lanka, a snap general election can decide who will be the president. Ranil, who knows history, is afraid of that decision.
