Smriti Irani is not only a popular figure in India but also well known in Sri Lanka. She became popular in Sri Lanka through the character “Tulsi” in the teledrama Mahagedara. From the very beginning of the serial, Tulsi’s role as the devoted daughter-in-law who warmly invites viewers into her household was embraced with affection by Sri Lankan audiences. Through this drama, she also became extremely popular in India. The name Tulsi Virani became familiar in almost every household in India as well as in Sri Lanka.
The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) recognized her political potential because of the image she created as a middle-class Indian wife and mother through the character Tulsi Virani. She joined the BJP in 2003. Rising rapidly through the party ranks, she was given a major challenge by party leader and Prime Minister Narendra Modi — the Amethi constituency. Amethi was the political stronghold of the Gandhi family. Just as Attanagalla was the Bandaranaike stronghold and Hambantota the Rajapaksa stronghold, Amethi was the fortress of the Gandhis. For generations, the Gandhis entered Parliament through Amethi. Even when they lost national power, they never lost Amethi. Modi gave Irani this seat to see if she could break the Gandhi stronghold. However, in the 2014 general election, she failed to defeat Rahul Gandhi, who retained the seat.
Modi then appointed her as India’s Minister of Education. As minister, she attempted to run the ministry in an authoritarian manner. She tried to change university curricula and reinstate previously removed courses amid strong opposition from students and teachers. Senior administrators resigned in protest. A renowned nuclear scientist also resigned. When she attempted to replace German language courses with Sanskrit, she faced widespread opposition from universities. She banned academic seminars and conferences. The opposition accused her of submitting fake educational qualifications at elections. Educationists and professionals argued that she was unfit to be Education Minister due to these alleged falsifications. Court cases were filed, and nationwide protests erupted. Irani claimed she was being targeted because she was a woman and that a male-dominated opposition could not tolerate a woman holding the education portfolio. The BJP women’s wing rallied in her support. She attempted to use the “woman card” to escape criticism. However, the court ruled that her educational qualifications were false. In embarrassment, she was removed from the education ministry and appointed as Minister of Textiles.
Despite setbacks, she did not abandon Modi’s challenge. In the 2019 election, she again contested Amethi, vowing to defeat the Gandhis. This time she defeated Rahul Gandhi, shattering the Gandhi dynasty’s crown prince in their own fortress. Not only Modi but the entire nation admired this “iron woman.” Political analysts predicted she would become the next BJP leader after Modi. She was appointed Minister of Women and Child Development. She faced physical attacks — stones were thrown at her and she was heckled. She used these attacks to gain public sympathy. The opposition feared her after she expelled the Gandhis from Amethi. Despite heavy campaigning portraying criticism of Irani as an attack on women’s dignity, the opposition continued their struggle.
Although Smriti Irani was a popular actress and politician, she failed as a minister. She failed at the Education Ministry and also at the Women and Child Development Ministry. She lost popularity even in Amethi. Once an asset to the BJP, she soon became a liability. In the 2024 general election, Congress candidate Kishori Lal defeated her by 167,196 votes, shocking the nation.
The woman once predicted to lead the BJP after Modi could not bear the pain of defeat. She withdrew from politics and returned to acting in television dramas.
Her story comes to mind when observing the tragedy surrounding Sri Lanka’s Education Minister Harini Amarasuriya and her attempted education reforms. Before introducing reforms, she, like Irani, began banning university discussions and conferences, including one at Peradeniya University.
Colombo has long been the stronghold of the UNP, producing leaders such as J. R. Jayewardene, Premadasa, Lalith Athulathmudali, and Ranil Wickremesinghe. No rival leader had ever defeated this fortress. Yet in 2024, Harini shattered the UNP stronghold in Colombo with a historic preferential vote count. Just as Modi entrusted Irani with the education ministry, Anura entrusted Harini with the same portfolio.
When Harini became minister, businessman Dhammika Perera was leading a major digital education initiative through DP Education, providing free online education during the COVID period when the government struggled. By 2029, he had launched programs to develop children’s digital creativity. Harini failed even to study this digital education revolution and launched no serious digital education policy of her own. Instead, without consulting experts or Parliament, she attempted unilateral reforms. This was her fatal mistake. When protests erupted, she too tried to use the “woman card” like Irani — unsuccessfully. Eventually, the government bowed to public pressure.
Once an asset to the JVP in the 2024 elections, Harini has now become a burden — just as Irani did for the BJP.
“So will Harini meet the same fate as Smriti Irani at the next election?”
That is still too early to say.
