Ranil Left Guessing as SJB–UNP Unity Talks Gain Ground
UNP Heavyweights Rally Behind SJB–UNP Unity Push
CBK–Harini Rapprochement Raises Political Eyebrows
London Sinhala Lessons Fuel Speculation Over Vimukthi’s Political Entry
Joint Operation
A few weeks ago, we reported in our ‘Inside Politics’ column that Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa was engaged in several crucial discussions that could bring the SJB and UNP to a pivotal juncture in their merger process. Without disclosing the identities of those involved or the locations of these meetings, we indicated that the outcomes would be made public at the appropriate time.
Confirming our earlier disclosure, a special meeting was convened in Colombo last week between SJB Leader Sajith Premadasa and three senior UNP leaders: Deputy Leader Ruwan Wijewardene, Deputy Leader Akila Viraj Kariyawasam, and Vice President Naveen Dissanayake. Following the publication of photographs from this meeting in the media, millions of SJB and UNP party members who had been unaware of these confidential behind-the-scenes discussions expressed considerable excitement. However, there is a significant untold story behind Sajith’s journey to this critical meeting.
Special Committee
It began when Sajith established a special committee, led by Kabir Hashim, at a party management committee meeting. The committee’s mandate was to examine how unity between the UNP and SJB could be achieved and to report their findings to him. S.M. Marikkar and Mujibur Rahman were initially appointed by Sajith, though Mujibur subsequently withdrew.
Sajith then appointed Iran Wickramaratne in his place. However, serious objections arose among SJB members regarding the manner in which Kabir prepared this report. The concern was that, despite Sajith being both the Opposition Leader and the leader of the main party, the SJB, Kabir had sidelined Sajith in preparing the report. Instead, he had crafted it in a way that would position Ranil for leadership and serve Ranil’s interests. Kabir had consulted not with SJB stalwarts or party members, but with UNP strongmen and former UNP leaders. After we revealed this information in advance, the report was released as we had anticipated, and the result was that Kabir’s report was effectively discarded.
Responsibility
At the subsequent party management committee meeting, Sajith announced that he would personally assume responsibility for uniting the SJB and UNP, and that all related activities would be conducted under his direct leadership. When Sajith made this declaration, many were seen reacting with skepticism. A number of people expressed doubts about Sajith’s capability to accomplish this task, questioning whether he possessed the necessary skills to conduct such discussions. Some even suggested that Sajith would protract these discussions to the point where SJB-UNP unity would never be achieved. These criticisms were voiced not only within the SJB but also within the UNP circles, and were expressed in various forums.
Despite this skepticism, Sajith took the necessary steps to establish the groundwork for these talks within a week of assuming responsibility. His approach was to first examine the various influences that had affected previous attempts to unite the SJB and UNP. He paid particular attention to the machinations of two individuals who had been undermining SJB-UNP unity—figures that UNP strongman Ravi Karunanayake had publicly exposed on several occasions as working against the merger. It came as no surprise to observers that at certain junctures, not only these two figures but also UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe himself appeared to be involved in similar activities.
Talks
After taking charge of these discussions, Sajith devised a strategy for initiating talks in a discreet manner, avoiding publicity and controversy. He ultimately decided to meet individually with several influential figures within the UNP to begin these discussions. Accordingly, Sajith first arranged meetings with several UNP leaders who remain active in politics. Subsequently, he visited the homes of several UNP leaders who are no longer politically active for further discussions. Sajith took care not to release any information regarding these meetings. He maintained strict confidentiality, suspecting that if word leaked out, the two aforementioned individuals within the UNP would employ various tactics to sabotage the discussions. Although this information remained largely undisclosed, we had been providing subtle hints about these developments through our ‘Inside Politics’ column, indicating that Sajith was engaged in crucial discussions whose results would soon become known nationwide.
Naveen first
The first UNP leader whom Sajith approached to initiate these discussions was Deputy Chairman Naveen Dissanayake, a prominent figure high on the list. Naveen had consistently held the view that the SJB and UNP were not truly separate parties, that both organizations shared the same membership base, and that therefore the two parties should unite. Naveen first publicly articulated this position during the preliminary discussion held on November 21st in Nugegoda under the auspices of the Pohottuwa.
When the question of participating in the Nugegoda meeting arose at the UNP Working Committee meeting, Naveen publicly declared that the UNP would no longer pursue a political path with the Pohottuwa and that he would never engage in politics with the Rajapaksas in the future. However, when Ranil expressed opposing views and insisted that the UNP must definitely participate in the Nugegoda meeting, a group of UNP stalwarts—including Thalatha, Akila, Ruwan, and others—remained notably silent. Nevertheless, Naveen maintained his position, stating that the UNP should not participate in the Nugegoda meeting and that if the party did participate in any capacity, he would protest against it. As he articulated this stance, Naveen also communicated his position to the country through a Twitter message.
Initial Meetings
Understanding Naveen’s significance, Sajith met with him first. After a highly confidential meeting, Sajith and Naveen engaged in productive discussions about merging the SJB and UNP. They covered critical issues: how to merge the parties, which party should lead, what obstacles might emerge, and how to address them. Neither made any public statements about the discussion.
Sajith then met with Ruwan Wijewardene, the UNP Deputy Leader. Ruwan had opposed participating in the November 21st Nugegoda Pohottuwa rally. Though he stayed silent during UNP Working Committee discussions on this matter, he didn’t actively oppose it then. Later, Ruwan told Ranil he was temporarily leaving politics to focus on the family business. Since then, Ruwan hadn’t attended any UNP working committee or management board meetings, with one exception: he attended a UNP management committee meeting at Harin Fernando’s special invitation. Naveen was also invited to this meeting, held the evening before the 21st rally, aimed at securing commitments to attend Nugegoda. When asked if he would attend, Ruwan initially said yes but ultimately boycotted the Nugegoda meeting.
After talking with Naveen, Sajith arranged a crucial meeting with Ruwan. They extensively discussed potential obstacles to uniting the parties, where previous agreements had failed, and who was responsible for those failures. During this frank conversation, Ruwan reportedly expressed his views on the forces that could undermine unity and how they had been used before. This discussion between Sajith and Ruwan laid the groundwork for last week’s meeting with Naveen, Ruwan, and Akila. When Sajith shared his plans, Ruwan agreed unconditionally—a significant development.
Why These Three Leaders
The selection of Naveen, Ruwan, and Akila to lead merger discussions was particularly meaningful. These three are among the few young UNP leaders with unblemished reputations, never accused of misconduct or discredited. They’ve never tarnished their names in politics. One reason is that these three are among the most beloved and widely accepted figures among the remaining 250,000 UNP party members. All three held ministerial positions in previous UNP governments and accomplished work with tangible national impact.
Arranging the First Formal Meeting
During his discussion with Ruwan, they decided to hold the first formal merger meeting the following Tuesday, with Ruwan tasked with informing Ranil. Ranil had previously appointed a UNP Working Committee to address the merger, including Thalatha Athukorala, Sagala Ratnayake, and Ruwan Wijewardene. Initially, there was uncertainty whether Ranil would permit Ruwan to meet with Sajith alongside Naveen and Akila without Sagala and Thalatha. However, given the circumstances, an atmosphere emerged making it difficult for Ranil to refuse. After Ruwan’s notification, Ranil approved the three—Ruwan, Naveen, and Akila—to hold discussions with Sajith. With approval secured, they arranged to meet in a private room at the Colombo Club within the Taj Samudra Hotel, structured as a lunch discussion. Several other individuals with political experience in both parties and friendly relations with both sides actively contributed to facilitating these discussions.
The Tuesday Meeting
The discussion that began Tuesday afternoon in the Colombo Club room included only five participants: Ruwan, Naveen, and Akila representing the UNP; Sajith representing the SJB; and Sajith’s close associate Lucky Fonseka. Since Lucky had been working behind the scenes to coordinate the discussion, a seat was reserved for him.
The discussion proceeded remarkably well from the start, exceeding many expectations. There was extensive discussion on how the SJB and UNP would forge an alliance, though all participants exercised discretion in not speaking publicly about specific issues or agreements.
Key Points from the Discussion
Sajith began by emphasizing the importance of understanding why the parties should merge. He identified the primary objective as defeating the Compass government, noting this wouldn’t be straightforward. Sajith stressed that if the parties merged, everyone must commit to moving forward together—covert attempts to sabotage or undermine from within would make success impossible. While recounting certain past incidents, Sajith was careful not to mention names explicitly, but framed his comments so the group understood who was responsible.
“We must first understand the challenge we face. If we wish to defeat the Compass government, we must work in unison. There’s no issue with that principle. However, when we work together, we cannot engage in subterfuge. We cannot undermine the effort from within. We cannot move forward while simultaneously looking backward and second-guessing our path. We cannot permit this endeavour to be sabotaged through false information. When Ranil was arrested, I personally took to the streets with our party members to advocate for him. I visited him daily. I worked sincerely with our members to secure his release. But what happened afterwards? Before he was even released on bail and discharged from the hospital, those spreading disinformation began attacking me. They planted false stories in newspapers, claiming I would be arrested by the Bribery Commission. You know what followed. That’s precisely why I’m emphasizing that if we unite, we cannot allow such occurrences to repeat.” When Sajith made these remarks, all three—Ruwan, Naveen, and Akila—visibly expressed agreement.
The discussion flowed with considerable depth at certain moments and proceeded collegially at others. At various points, all participants were observed sharing laughter and discussing aspects of their personal lives beyond political matters. Even during lunch, participants exchanged both political insights and personal information.
How to Merge
During the discussion on uniting the two parties, a key point of debate was whether they should merge directly or instead form an alliance. At that moment, Sajith emphasized that merging the two parties—or even forming an alliance—would not be an easy task.
He stated: “It is not an easy task to merge these two parties or to form an alliance. Therefore, let us not focus on that right now. Instead, let us begin by working together. For example, one of the biggest challenges the government will face in the future will be disaster management after this cyclone. As I travel across the country, I can already see that this will become a major issue. There is no obstacle to us cooperating on this matter for the benefit of the people. The SJB has already launched a program to provide relief to displaced families, and another initiative to supply medical equipment to hospitals that were destroyed. There is no barrier to us working together for the people. Let us start there. Let us create methods to deliver more relief to the people. By working together and moving forward in this way, we can gradually bring the two parties closer to unity.”
Ruwan, Naveen, and Akila were also seen agreeing with Sajith and sharing their own views.
A Friendly Atmosphere
The group had ordered Chinese food for lunch, and even while eating, the discussion continued in a constructive manner. Sajith concluded the meeting warmly and made a special request: to take a group photo. With everyone’s agreement, he first took a selfie on his mobile phone, capturing all five participants. He then handed the phone to Lakshman Fonseka, asking him to take a group photo of Sajith and his team. Sajith later showed the photos to Ruwan, Akila, and Naveen.
At that point, Sajith asked the UNP representatives whether the photos could be shared with the media. All three agreed, noting that since this was an official discussion, there was no issue in publishing them. They also mentioned that hundreds of thousands of party members were eagerly awaiting news of the progress.
Sajith responded: “Then I will send all these photos to you as well. You can post them as you wish. I will also share them, along with a video, on my Twitter account.”
Social Media Buzz
As Sajith left the room, several social media activists supportive of the SJB—among them Waruna Rajapaksa and Charith Abeysinghe—were present at the hotel. They had come to the Taj Samudra for lunch but had also been informed of the discussion at the Colombo Club. When Sajith emerged, they surrounded him and asked about the outcome. He replied that the talks had been successful, his face reflecting satisfaction.
In a lighthearted moment, Sajith sat at a nearby piano and played two of his favorite songs before posting the group photo and a short note about the meeting on Twitter. Meanwhile, the ‘Mawrata’ website was the first to publish the photo nationally, reporting that a high-level discussion had taken place between the SJB and the UNP.
Public Reaction
Once the photo was released, it caused a major stir. Media outlets quickly reported the story, and supporters of both the Samagi Jana Balawegaya and the UNP across the country were thrilled. Many saw this as a clear sign that the two parties were on the path to forming a government together. Even individuals who had previously criticized Sajith or Ranil expressed excitement, leaving supportive comments. The atmosphere was almost as if a president had already been elected from the SJB-UNP alliance.
Caution Ahead
Yet, despite the enthusiasm among supporters, the leaders were mindful of potential challenges. They knew from experience that attempts could be made to disrupt or weaken the alliance. This possibility was well understood by the four main representatives seated at the negotiating table.
Reaction to the Published Photo
With the release of the photo and accompanying news, UNP representatives at Ranil’s ‘Malpara’ residence as well as those at the Sirikotha party headquarters were filled with excitement. They quickly contacted senior figures within the UNP to inquire about the meeting. Meanwhile, Akila, Ruwan, and Naveen—who had participated in the discussion—received a direct message from Ranil, summoning them to meet him immediately and brief him on what had transpired.
Attempts to Disrupt Unity
The success of the discussion did not go unnoticed. The two individuals within the UNP whom Ravi Karunanayake had publicly referred to as “demons” could not remain idle. The so‑called Suttara Bhoothaya, known for conspiring with them, promptly informed UNP‑aligned social media activists—many of whom were paid for their services—that they should begin attacking the idea of unity.
It was suggested that if the two parties were to unite, Ranil must be recognized as the leader, and that efforts should be made to sabotage the talks. In the past, social media activists would have quickly followed such instructions. However, this time they did not. Excitement about the potential unity between the two parties outweighed the influence of this “conspiracy ghost.”
Just a week earlier, a group of UNP‑SJB social media activists and YouTubers had gathered at Waruna Rajapaksa’s home for a friendly, lighthearted meeting. They had also planned another year‑end gathering at the Cinnamon Lake Hotel in Colombo. This group had already taken the stance that the two parties should unite immediately. As a result, despite receiving instructions from the conspiracy ghost, no one was willing to post or say anything that might disrupt the unity. The attempted operation collapsed almost as soon as it began.
Rising Morale
The morale among both SJB and UNP members was visibly high. This was evident in Harin Fernando’s statement after appearing before the Bribery Commission. He had been summoned to provide a statement regarding the lease of the well‑known Sabitha Building in Rajagiriya to the Ministry of Agriculture during the Yahapalana government. Afterward, Harin told the media that the two parties should unite, with Sajith—active in politics—serving as leader, and Ranil taking the role of patron.
Ranil’s Response
Against this backdrop, Ranil summoned the UNP representatives to hear directly about the discussion with Sajith. He began by questioning why photographs of the meeting had been made public. One representative explained: “I did not take the photo. Sajith took it with his own phone. He asked if it should be posted, and we did not object.”
Ranil then responded: “Let us discuss this at the UNP Working Committee and make a decision. We will also decide there who will participate in the next round of discussions.”
Call from Ranil
January 1st proved to be a significant day. At Ranil’s Malpara office, a New Year’s function was held, complete with a table of milk rice and sweets, attended by many guests. However, unlike the UNP, the Opposition Leader’s Office did not organize a similar New Year’s celebration. When asked about this, Sajith explained that there was no need to celebrate with milk rice while the country was suffering. Instead, he directed funds to provide medical equipment worth 2.8 million rupees to a hospital in Karawanella that had been damaged by floods, under the ‘Husma’ program.
While attending the function, Sajith received a call from the number of Tharanga Athuraliya, an SJB municipal councilor in Colombo. When he answered, it was not Tharanga’s voice he heard, but Ranil’s. Ranil greeted him with, “Happy New Year, Sajith…” and Sajith immediately returned the wishes. Ranil then added, “You have just discussed. It is successful… So, we will put it to the working committee.” Sajith agreed, and the call ended after those few words.
Shortly afterward, Sajith received another call from the same councilor’s phone. This time, it was Sagala Ratnayake, a close ally of Ranil. Sagala also wished Sajith well and emphasized that the SJB‑UNP talks should continue. He expressed a desire to meet Sajith, to which Sajith simply replied, “OK, OK,” before ending the conversation.
Why the Calls Came Through Another Phone
The reason Ranil and Sagala used a municipal councilor’s phone rather than their own was clear: Sajith had previously avoided answering calls from senior UNP leaders after Ranil‑friendly media outlets published false reports against him.
Nevertheless, Ranil’s media allies reported the incident as though Ranil had personally wished Sajith a Happy New Year, omitting the background details of how the call actually took place.
Official Announcement
On the same day, SJB General Secretary Ranjith Maddumabandara officially informed the country of the progress. He told the media that the two parties would merge, with Sajith Premadasa taking leadership due to his stronger mandate. He also stated that Ranil Wickremesinghe would be given a senior position acceptable to all, recognizing his experience.
Contrasting Voices
However, had former MP Ajith Mannapperuma spoken to the media after attending Ranil’s New Year’s milk rice party, the narrative would have been very different. Mannapperuma, who replaced Ranjan Ramanayake’s seat in Gampaha under the SJB, had long acted in line with Ranil’s instructions. Despite being nominated by the SJB for the general election, he withdrew midway, disrupting the campaign in Gampaha. Later, he rejoined Ranil and launched strong media attacks against Sajith.
After attending Ranil’s Kiribath Party, Mannapperuma told the press that Sajith would sabotage the talks and insisted that the two parties would not unite.
A Crucial Juncture
The talks have now reached a decisive stage. With members of both parties highly energized, there is little room for retreat. Those attempting to obstruct unity risk being branded as traitors, and many believe that if UNP disruptors try again, their political careers will collapse.
It is also noteworthy that two key figures are expected to hold a face‑to‑face discussion with Sajith in the coming days. With a strong foundation already laid for unification, any attempt to undermine it could trigger a series of unpredictable consequences.
Prime Ministerial Conflict Resurfaces
As talks on merging the SJB and UNP progress, an old conflict within the government has resurfaced. Following setbacks in the recent local government elections, Bimal Ratnayake—considered the second in command of the JVP—appeared on state media and suggested that the “engine of the government” should be changed, implying that ministerial responsibilities, including the Prime Minister’s post, should be reshuffled.
His remarks, however, were met with resistance. Soon after, senior ministers Sunil Handunnetti and Nalinda Jayatissa publicly declared that no cabinet reshuffle was planned and that ministers were fulfilling their duties. As a result, the debate over changing the Prime Minister seemed to fade.
Yet, reports now indicate renewed discussions about replacing the Prime Minister. This has been fueled by a crisis in the Ministry of Education under Harini. A major uproar erupted after an inappropriate website application was included in the Grade 6 English module, prompting the Ministry Secretary to file a complaint with the Criminal Investigation Department. Meanwhile, enthusiasm for education reforms has waned, with strong opposition from the Maha Sangha and academics. Despite Harini facing criticism from all sides, neither JVP ministers nor the President have defended her.
Grassroots cadres in Pelawatte are reportedly pressuring the government to remove Harini from the premiership and appoint a JVP strongman instead. Bimal Ratnayake’s name has been proposed. However, since the Malima holds more seats than the JVP, the President fears such a move could spark internal conflict. From a neutral standpoint, the President is said to favor appointing Vijitha Herath as Prime Minister if Harini is removed, while reassigning Harini to the Foreign Ministry.
Signs of Change
Two recent developments hint at this shift. First, Harini chaired discussions with foreign ambassadors on disaster relief, while Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath remained in the background. Second, Vijitha posted a New Year photo in which his solemn demeanor resembled that of a Prime Minister.
The President is also mindful that appointing a hardline JVP leader like Bimal could give the government a distinctly leftist image, potentially straining relations with the IMF, donor nations, and Western countries. Vijitha Herath, by contrast, is seen as a safer choice. His longstanding relationship with the President—dating back to his behind-the-scenes support during Anura’s rise to JVP leadership—strengthens his candidacy. If Vijitha becomes Prime Minister, Nalinda Jayatissa may also be entrusted with greater responsibilities.
Operation Shook Colombo
While merger talks between the SJB and UNP unfolded last week, the government launched another operation: securing the Colombo Municipal Council budget, which had been defeated in its first reading. A second defeat would have allowed the SJB-led opposition to seize control of all council committees. Recognizing the stakes, the President personally intervened to ensure the budget passed.
Unusually for JVP politics, the strategy involved aggressive tactics. Beyond persuading opposition members, efforts were made to remove certain MPs from the chamber during the vote. In the first round, the opposition had won 60–57. The government calculated that shifting just four votes could secure victory.
On the morning of the vote, a UNP councilor was arrested on assault charges. The night before, a special gazette was issued announcing a presidential commission to investigate municipal transactions from 2010 to 2025, heightening pressure on councilors. A special meeting was also convened with ministers and councilors to plan tactics.
Word of these maneuvers reached Colombo SJB leaders, including MP Mujibur Rahman, who learned that two SJB members had been promised houses. Mujibur and his team rushed to their homes, persuading them to vote against the budget.
Nevertheless, on voting day, two SJB MPs vanished. One opposition member from the Muslim Congress voted in favor of the budget, while another SJB MP left abruptly, citing his wife’s sudden heart attack. Ultimately, the government succeeded in passing the budget’s second reading by 58–56.
Despite the victory, suspicions remain that government strongmen offered privileges to sway opposition members.
Vimukthi is Coming
Vimukthi Kumaratunga is no stranger to Sri Lankan politics. For more than a decade, his name has surfaced in the local media, often accompanied by speculation that he was preparing to enter politics as a representative of the Bandaranaike legacy. Yet, despite repeated reports, Vimukthi has never formally stepped into the political arena in Sri Lanka.
CBK’s Complicated Relationship with the JVP
Vimukthi’s mother, former President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga, has had a historically strained relationship with the JVP. She once publicly stated that her husband, Vijaya Kumaratunga, was killed by the JVP, a claim that fueled deep animosity between her and the party.
However, in the aftermath of Cyclone Ditva, Chandrika re-emerged in the political sphere. She met Prime Minister Harini Amarasuriya and pledged 250 million rupees from the Bandaranaike Foundation to the Rebuilding Sri Lanka Fund. At the time, Chandrika praised the Malima government, saying she contributed because she saw no corruption within it. Critics later argued that the funds came not from her personal wealth but from the Bandaranaike Foundation, which operates under government oversight. Many believed Chandrika used the donation to score political points.
Relations soured soon after, when the Malima government evicted Chandrika from her official residence in Torrington. Initially, she planned to move into the Rosmead Estate, jointly owned with her sister Sunethra, where the Tintagel boutique hotel currently operates. Since the lease runs until 2028, Sunethra opposed the idea. As a result, Chandrika now resides in a rented house in Gilfred Place, Colombo.
A Political Game in Motion
Why, then, did Chandrika publicly meet Harini with such a large donation despite her strained ties with the government? According to insider information, she had a broader political strategy in mind.
Sunethra has reportedly agreed to hand over the Rosmead Place mansion to Chandrika once the Tintagel lease expires in 2028. This mansion, steeped in Bandaranaike history, has already produced two prime ministers. Chandrika plans to reclaim it as her residence and political base.
The Return of Vimukthi
The ‘inside politics’ column has revealed another significant development: Chandrika’s son, Vimukthi Kumaratunga, currently based in London, is preparing to return to Sri Lanka. He is said to be studying Sinhala in London, signaling his intention to reconnect with the country.
Chandrika’s vision is clear—she intends to reintroduce a Bandaranaike heir into politics. She plans to launch Vimukthi’s political career from Rosmead Place and align him with Prime Minister Harini. If successful, Rosmead place may once again become a hub of political discussions, reminiscent of its storied past.
