CID’s UK Mission on Verge of Major Success
Lakadeepa Faces Fresh Embarrassment Over False Story
Ranil Seeks Divine Shield Amid Rumblings of a Party Rebel
London Fireworks
Last week, in a special revelation published in our Inside Politics column, we reported that the government had launched a major behind-the-scenes initiative to uncover the hidden assets of the Rajapaksa family. Following our revelation, further inquiries revealed that a substantial amount of relevant information had been rapidly exchanged between Washington and the Sri Lankan government as part of this covert operation. We also reported that a similarly sensitive and highly classified negotiation was underway between Sri Lanka and Singapore regarding the Central Bank bond scam.
The government had focused heavily on securing the return of former Central Bank Governor Arjuna Mahendran to Sri Lanka—an undertaking promised to the public during the most recent election campaign. Accordingly, we disclosed that a special round of discussions had begun between government representatives and Mahendran. We also detailed how two influential government officials were expected to travel to Singapore after several rounds of talks to finalise this effort, but that mission was abruptly halted due to a last-minute crisis. Meanwhile, we reported that Arjuna Mahendran had been attempting for several months to settle with the government, sending messages to President Anura Kumara Dissanayake through various intermediaries. However, those negotiations do not appear to have reached full agreement at this stage.
CID travell to London
Amid these developments, another major revelation emerged in the media last week: six officers from the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) had travelled to London for an extraordinary mission. The trip was so secretive that it came to light only because of an unexpected incident. Otherwise, no one would have known that six CID officers had flown to London on a special assignment. Some media outlets reported that the officers had gone to London to verify documents related to allegations of misuse of public funds by former President Ranil Wickremesinghe. Their primary task was to determine whether Ranil Wickremesinghe’s visit to London, along with his wife Maithri Wickremesinghe, had been official in nature.
One objective of the visit was to confirm the authenticity of the invitation issued by the University of Wolverhampton, which awarded Maithri Wickremesinghe an honorary doctorate. However, certain media organizations questioned whether the Attorney General had been informed of this CID mission, noting that the officers had travelled in complete secrecy. The CID team, however, had not travelled to London solely to investigate Ranil Wickremesinghe’s visit. Their mandate included gathering information on several other matters. One key objective was to obtain a statement from Sri Lanka’s High Commissioner to the United Kingdom at the time of Ranil’s visit.
Record statements
In an earlier Inside Politics report, we disclosed that the CID had already taken steps to record statements from several senior officials who served at the Sri Lankan High Commission in London during that period. Although those officials are no longer stationed in the UK and now serve in countries such as the United States and Singapore, the CID had requested their presence in Sri Lanka to provide statements related to the investigation.
Among those notified was former High Commissioner Saroja Sirisena, who was asked to return to Sri Lanka to give a statement. Instead, she prepared an affidavit regarding the incident and sent it from London. But because the investigation is considered highly sensitive and significant, the CID was not satisfied with her affidavit and repeatedly requested that she return to Sri Lanka to assist in the inquiry. Saroja Sirisena is currently on a two-year leave of absence and is reportedly married to a British citizen. Despite repeated notifications, she did not return to Sri Lanka. As a result, the CID informed her last week that a team of officers would be arriving in London and instructed her to visit the Sri Lankan High Commission there to provide her statement concerning Ranil Wickremesinghe’s visit.
Ranil disturbed
Although the CID attempted to keep this mission strictly confidential, our information indicates that their secrecy was compromised by the notification sent to Saroja Sirisena. Within moments of the message reaching London, former President Ranil Wickremesinghe was alerted to the matter. Disturbed by the development, he immediately began seeking information about the investigation. Ranil’s legal representatives contacted both the CID and the Attorney General’s Department. The CID confirmed that a six-member team had travelled to London to investigate his visit, but the Attorney General’s Department stated that it had not been informed of the mission.
Importantly, the six CID officers had not travelled solely to inquire about Ranil’s London trip. Their broader assignment included investigating two additional, highly sensitive matters. One objective was to obtain information on a top-secret bank account in the United Kingdom allegedly held by a former powerful political figure. In addition, Inside Politics has learned that the officers were seeking information on the foreign assets of several other influential politicians and senior government officials.
Furthermore, serious questions have arisen regarding whether the CID team was also tasked with verifying the authenticity of the degree certificate issued by City, University of London to Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna National Organizer Namal Rajapaksa. The timing appeared significant, as the government’s Cabinet Spokesperson and Chief Government Whip, Minister Nalinda Jayatissa, stated on Wednesday that there were serious concerns about the legitimacy of Namal Rajapaksa’s degree from City, University of London.
What Nalinda said in Parliament.
‘Namal has submitted the degree certificate obtained from the University City of London, to register for a Master’s degree at the University of Sri Jayewardenepura. That degree certificate was issued on September 15, 2009. The Vice-Chancellor who signed that certificate resigned on July 23. It is only 54 days after that Vice-Chancellor resigned that that person signed the degree certificate as the Vice-Chancellor. Therefore, a serious question has been raised about his degree certificate on those websites,’ Nalinda said.
Namal’s London Degree Controversy
Although Namal had previously pursued a Law degree at Sri Lanka Law College without issue, questions have now arisen regarding his London qualification. In Parliament, Nalinda unexpectedly dropped a political bombshell, alleging that serious doubts had emerged about Namal’s degree certificate issued by the “City University.” Many suspect that this information was provided to the government by officers of the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) during a surprise visit to London. It was also noted that the government appeared intent on launching a strong attack against the Pohottuwa faction by disclosing this controversial information just two days before the Nugegoda meeting scheduled for the 21st, which will be attended by several parties including the Pohottuwa. Although Nalinda presented only limited details in Parliament, speculation is rife that more damaging revelations may surface in the future.
Namal, however, quickly responded, stating that he would address the government’s allegations at the Nugegoda meeting. Given the gravity of Nalinda’s claims and Namal’s counterstatement, many believe this controversy will not end on the 21st. Instead, Namal’s London degree is expected to become a major national topic and a headline-making issue in the months ahead.
Complaint to CJ
According to information received by the Inside Politics column, further serious developments are anticipated. There is a strong possibility that the CID will file formal complaints in connection with the matter. However, since Namal practices as a lawyer, a complaint can be lodged against him with the Chief Justice. Attention now turns to the outcome of the CID’s London trip. Current reports suggest that the officers’ mission included gathering information about Ranil Wickremesinghe’s visit to London, investigating a British bank account belonging to a former powerful minister in Ranil’s government, and probing the alleged hidden assets of several former politicians and senior officials.
Travel ban continues
The Inside Politics column has learned that numerous behind-the-scenes developments are unfolding. This was underscored by a significant incident last week during a case involving Saman Ekanayake, who served as Secretary to the President under former President Ranil Wickremesinghe. Ekanayake had requested court permission to travel abroad for the birth of his daughter’s child. However, Solicitor General Dileepa Peiris, representing the Attorney General, opposed the request and revealed startling information. He informed the court that investigations into Ranil Wickremesinghe’s case were in their final stages, expected to conclude within a month, and that proceedings would soon be initiated before the High Court against Ranil and others implicated.
Peiris further argued that allowing Ekanayake to travel abroad would be problematic, as his testimony was crucial. Following this, Kalinga Indratissa, appearing for Ekanayake, withdrew the travel request. This incident strongly suggests that the CID’s London mission is nearing a successful conclusion.
UNP Fireworks
Through the inside politics column, we reported highly confidential information—uncovered by no other media—regarding the meeting scheduled in Nugegoda on the 21st, organized by several opposition parties including the Pohottuwa. We first revealed that former President Ranil Wickremesinghe had taken control of the event, attempting to portray it as a UNP-led affair and to present himself as its central figure. In the initial plan, the SJB, its leader Sajith Premadasa, and the Pohottuwa leadership were to share the Nugegoda stage. Ranil intended to harness the combined strength of these two parties to reassert his dominance over the opposition and reclaim political leadership.
SJB’s early intimation
Recognizing this maneuver early, the SJB formally informed UNP leaders that their party would not participate.Following our revelations, Pohottuwa leaders also realized that Ranil was preparing to exploit their platform for his own political objectives. In response, they launched a strategic effort to exclude him from the meeting and claim sole ownership of the event. Reports from this column indicated that Namal Rajapaksa imposed a strict condition on the UNP: no former president would be allowed to attend the Nugegoda meeting. Namal further warned that if Ranil violated this condition, he would refuse to appear on stage himself.
We later revealed that Ranil had prepared to step onto the stage but had decided against delivering a speech. Ultimately, due to strong opposition from the Pohottuwa side, Ranil withdrew from the rally altogether. Additionally, on November 9th, we disclosed another major development: a serious internal crisis within the UNP over its participation in the Nugegoda meeting. Naming individuals, we reported that while only two or three UNP members supported Ranil’s political maneuvering in collaboration with the Pohottuwa, many senior figures opposed it. In particular, we highlighted that senior UNP member Naveen Dissanayake was firmly against Ranil’s attempt to unite the UNP with the Pohottuwa. Naveen had resolved not to appear on the Pohottuwa stage on the 21st, and several senior UNP members aligned themselves with him.
The revelation we made at that time is reproduced below.
November 09 ‘inside politics’ revelation
A rebellion against Ranil
‘….It seems that the few remaining seniors within the UNP have understood this political game that Ranil is playing. Accordingly, this time we are making a special revelation through the State Secrets belt and saying that a serious rebellion is once again brewing within the UNP against Ranil. In particular, the UNP seniors have decided to take a tough decision against the Ranil-Vajira-Sagala trio that is taking the UNP by storm.
The First Signs of a UNP Rebellion
The first indication of growing unrest within the UNP is the decision by Deputy Leader Ruwan Wijewardene to withdraw from all political activities. According to information we have received, Ruwan has already informed Ranil Wickremesinghe that he is resigning from his position as Deputy Leader and that someone else should be appointed in his place. He has also told the party leadership that he intends to take a break from politics for a period of time and devote himself to his family business. Since making this announcement, Ruwan has not participated in any party activities. This development was seen as a serious blow to Ranil, who worked hard over the past week to keep the news from spreading. Ranil has deliberately left the Deputy Leader position vacant, fearing that appointing a replacement would expose the depth of the party’s internal crisis.
Meanwhile, another senior UNP figure, Naveen Dissanayake, has already declared that he will not attend the Nugegoda rally scheduled for the 21st. In addition, we can now disclose that several other UNP seniors have also decided not to participate in the rally. At a press conference last week, Rajitha Senaratne stated that there are both advantages and disadvantages to continuing political cooperation with the Pohottuwa, and confirmed that he had already conveyed his views to the UNP leadership. As a result, Rajitha too is unlikely to attend the rally. Many observers believe that by the 22nd, the few remaining figures still standing with Ranil will abandon him and emerge as the leading members of the next rebellion against his leadership.
History of UNP rebellion
It is important to note that the rebellion within the UNP against Ranil did not begin yesterday—it has been ongoing since 2005. Under his leadership, the UNP, once commanding nearly 100 MPs, declined to the point of having no representation at all. For this reason, many believe that the current uprising within the party will be the final rebellion against Ranil. We say this because a strong proposal is expected to be presented to Ranil very soon by the remaining senior members of the party. The proposal will call for immediate UNP–SJB unity and demand that Ranil step down from the party leadership. While this proposal may not receive much publicity once it is formally presented, we can confirm that special discussions have already begun in several quarters. These discussions mark the beginning of the first phase of the UNP’s rebellion.
Naveen opposed
Confirming the revelation we previously made, Naveen Dissanayake openly expressed his opposition to the Nugegoda meeting during the UNP Management Committee session held two weeks ago. At that meeting, Naveen firmly stated that the UNP should not continue its political association with the Pohottuwa. Instead, he argued that the party’s future political activities should be carried out in collaboration with the SJB.
Naveen emphasized that the political culture of the UNP and that of the Pohottuwa were “like sky and earth,” stressing that the UNP should move forward with the SJB, which shares similar policies and philosophies. Significantly, several other UNP seniors supported Naveen’s stance.Despite this, Ranil Wickremesinghe convened an emergency Working Committee meeting after the Management Committee session and decided that the UNP would participate in the Nugegoda rally scheduled for the 21st. Even in making this decision, serious concerns were raised. At the start of the discussion, Ranil reportedly said: “We have nowhere else to go now. The best game we can play is to join forces with the Pohottuwa, infiltrate them, and play our game…” This statement was met with strong opposition from many present.
Naveen’s ‘X ‘ message
Nevertheless, Ranil pushed the resolution through, and UNP General Secretary Thalatha Athukorala later announced at a media briefing that the Working Committee had decided to attend the Nugegoda meeting.The strongest opponent of this decision was, once again, Naveen Dissanayake. Following the meeting, he posted a message on his X account declaring his opposition to the UNP’s alliance with the Pohottuwa and confirming that he would not attend the rally on the 21st.
Remarkably, no media outlet reported on Naveen’s post until two days later, when it was first published by our ‘Mawrata’ website. From there, the revelation spread rapidly across the political sphere. Ranil, visibly unsettled by the fallout, immediately contacted Harin Fernando and tasked him with damage control. Harin quickly organized a special meeting to project unity within the party and to show that there was no internal conflict. He extended invitations not only to Naveen but also to Ruwan Wijewardene, the UNP Deputy Leader who has temporarily stepped away from politics. Two weeks ago, in a special disclosure through the Inside Politics column, we reported that Ruwan had refrained from participating in party activities for the past three months. We revealed that Ruwan had informed Ranil he would not attend any Working Committee or Management Committee meetings, and that he intended to step back from politics for five years to focus on his family business.
UNP Unity Crumbles
As previously reported in this column, Ruwan Wijewardene had informed Ranil Wickremesinghe of his intention to step down from the position of Deputy Leader and hand it over to someone else in the party. Neither Ruwan nor Ranil denied this revelation. However, Harin Fernando invited Ruwan to a party discussion in an effort to project unity, and Ruwan—perhaps out of friendship with Harin—attended a UNP meeting for the first time in three months. Seating arrangements for the discussion were carefully planned. Akila, Thalatha, Vajira, Harin, Rajitha, and Sagala were placed near Ranil, while Naveen Dissanayake was assigned a seat in the corner. Photographs of the meeting were later released to the media, clearly intended to show that the party was united and standing together.
Rajitha changed stance
Although the UNP Working Committee and Management Committee had already decided to attend the rally on the 21st, Ranil reopened the topic during this discussion. Rajitha Senaratne, who had previously expressed doubts about the rally and the Pohottuwa alliance, surprised everyone by reversing his position. Known for frequently shifting his stance, Rajitha declared:
“Now people are going to take to the streets. It is clear there is strong opposition to the government. That is why I decided to attend the meeting on the 21st. Besides, Sajith is now making a deal with Anura. I see that he is afraid of the case against him. We need to expose this too…”
His remarks about Sajith shocked many present. This was because Sajith had consistently stood by Rajitha during his troubles, even visiting him in prison daily to check on his well-being. Rajitha’s criticism of Sajith, despite that loyalty, left many unsettled.With Rajitha now supporting attendance at the rally, Thalatha Athukorala asked each participant whether they would attend the meeting on the 21st. Most responded affirmatively. Finally, the question was directed to Naveen Dissanayake. Many assumed he would follow suit, but Naveen stunned the room by firmly declaring that he would not attend. He went further, stating that he would never engage in politics with the Rajapaksas in the future. His uncompromising stance shattered Harin’s attempt to present a united front.
No benefit to UNP
Naveen reinforced his position after the meeting by posting on X, sharing a photo of the discussion and confirming that he had refused Thalatha’s request to attend the rally. He added that collaboration with the Rajapaksas would bring no benefit to the UNP, urging followers to save a screenshot of his message. Naveen’s strong response revealed to Harin that the majority of the UNP quietly shared his position. As a result, Harin began to play a double role. While he had initially insisted on attending the Nugegoda rally, he later softened his stance in private conversations, telling colleagues, “I don’t like Namal either. I’m only doing this because the boss insists…” From this, we make a clear prediction in the ‘Inside politics‘ column: as the UNP continues its political dealings with the Rajapaksas, the six or seven senior figures remaining in the party are preparing to make unexpected decisions. Behind the scenes, several significant developments are already underway.
Ranil’s big event?
Meanwhile, in the backdrop of Ranil being banned from the Nugegoda rally, UNP seniors had asked Ranil to at least come to Nugegoda to watch the rally or to visit it if he could not get on the stage. However, Ranil told them that he would not be able to visit Nugegoda that day and that he would be leaving for India with Maithri Wickremesinghe in the early hours of the same day. During our investigation into this matter, we learned that Ranil was going to India to attend the wedding of former Minister Jeevan Thondaman. Jeevan Thondaman is scheduled to marry Seethai Sri Nachchiyar, a doctor from India. She is the granddaughter of Arugam Pillai, a prominent politician and businessman from India. It is said that in addition to Ranil, several politicians close to the Thondaman family, including Mahinda, have been invited.
Wedding ceramoney
The wedding ceremony is scheduled to take place on November 23rd in Chennai. Although it usually takes about 45 minutes to fly from Sri Lanka to Chennai, Ranil’s sudden decision to leave for India two days before, leaving the Nugegoda meeting behind, has raised questions for many. In an investigation into the matter, many suspect that Ranil often went to India two days before his India visit to attend a special puja at the extremely popular and miraculous Guruvayur temple located on the border of Tamil Nadu and Kerala.There is a historical relationship between Ranil and the Guruvayur temple in Kerala.
Guruvayur temple pujas
This is not the first time that Ranil has attended the Guruvayur temple pujas. Previously, Ranil had gone to India in 2008 to attend a Guruvayur Sri Krishna temple puja in a very secret manner. That was in June 2008. Ranil had arrived at the Guruvayur Kovil at 5.00 am that day without informing anyone and had taken steps to participate in a special puja. Although this trip was later reported to the media, Ranil had secretly gone to the Guruvayur Kovil once before 2008 and participated in a special puja. However, Ranil had taken care that no information about that was reported anywhere. After that, in 2015, Ranil participated in a special puja at the Guruvayur Kovil with his wife Maithri Wickramasinghe. On April 18, 2015, Ranil went to the Guruvayur Kovil at 11.15 am and took steps to participate in the ‘Thulabaram’ puja, which is considered a special puja at the temple that day.
Special Puja
The speciality of that puja is that while Ranil was sitting on one side of the large scale in the temple, sandalwood was offered to the other side of the scale to match his weight. Accordingly, Ranil took steps to offer sandalwood to the Guruvayur temple in a weight equal to his own weight, 77 kilos. However, the biggest puja at the Guruvayur temple is considered to be the offering of an elephant to the temple. Accordingly, a large number of elephants offered to the temple can be seen roaming around the temple. This time, in a context where another rebellion has been created against the leadership within the party and in a context where Ranil was thrown out of the opposition rally, it is not known whether Ranil suddenly left for India two days before the Jeevan wedding to offer an elephant to the Guruvayur temple.
Sumanthiran and Anura Meet
The second round of talks between President Anura Kumara Dissanayake and the Tamil Arasu Katchi Party was held at the Presidential Secretariat on Wednesday. Significantly, this meeting was granted to the Tamil Alliance six months after they had formally requested it in writing.
Prior to the discussion, members of the Tamil Arasu Katchi Party met separately to plan how best to use the time with the President productively and ensure that clear answers were obtained. At the outset, Sumanthiran and other senior members stressed that the conversation should avoid irrelevant matters and focus on two key issues affecting the Tamil community: the holding of Provincial Council elections and a political solution for the North and East through a new constitution. This approach was shaped by their previous meeting, where MP Sreedharan had consumed much of the time discussing flood problems in the North, leaving the main issues unaddressed. To prepare, Sumanthiran compiled a file containing statements, documents, and private members’ motions previously submitted to Parliament by the President regarding Provincial Council elections and constitutional reform.
Sumanthiran objects
At the start of the meeting, the Tamil Arasu Katchi Party raised the issue of Provincial Council elections. The President responded by outlining the legal and procedural barriers to holding the elections under the current framework. He explained that the existing laws do not provide an environment for conducting the elections, and that recommendations had been made against holding them under the old system. Therefore, he argued, a new framework must be discussed before elections could take place. Sumanthiran strongly rejected this claim, insisting that no such recommendations existed and pointing out that the courts had already issued an order on the matter. He produced
Key Points from the Discussion
Sumanthiran stressed that Provincial Council elections could indeed be held and reminded the President that the JVP had supported his motion on the matter at the time. The President countered by saying there had been no division on the motion. In response, Sumanthiran asked why, if that were the case, JVP representative Vijitha Herath had not opposed it during the debate. The President offered no clear answer. Ultimately, he concluded that the Tamil Arasu Katchi Party should submit its proposals to the committee tasked with examining how Provincial Council elections might be conducted.
The conversation then turned to the subject of a new constitution. Sumanthiran presented statements and evidence from his file, highlighting the positions taken by the President and the Compass during the election campaign regarding constitutional reform and a political solution for the North and East. The President replied that the government was prepared to take action on this matter in the future.
Finally, the recent controversy over the placement of a Buddha statue in Trincomalee was discussed. MP Shanakyan Rasamanikkam noted that while protests could have been organized, his party had deliberately refrained from mobilizing people or staging demonstrations in the North or East. The President expressed his gratitude for this restraint.
Lankadeepa Lie
During Sajith’s time in the UNP, and even after he left, UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe took multiple steps aimed at undermining Sajith and the SJB. After becoming President, Ranil attempted to bring around 40 members back into the UNP. He distributed decentralized funds to certain senior figures in the SJB, granted bar licenses to others, and provided land and gas station licenses to some. Despite these efforts, he failed to persuade even a single member to defect from the SJB.
Meanwhile, Lankadeepa—owned by Ranil’s family and Ruwan Wijewardene—launched a major smear campaign against Sajith and the SJB, publishing false reports intended to discredit them. Over the past few weeks, we have highlighted many of these fabricated stories from Lankadeepa and the Sunday Times in the Inside Politics column.
This week, we expose yet another false report published by Lankadeepa. During the second reading of the recent budget, Mano Ganeshan, Palani Digambaram, and Radhakrishnan of the SJB alliance voted in favor of it, basing their decision on the salary increase for estate workers. This move was made after prior discussions and agreement with Sajith and the SJB leadership.
However, following this, Lankadeepa published a story claiming that the SJB was preparing to launch a disciplinary inquiry against Mano Ganeshan for supporting the budget. Once this news spread, grassroots members and constituency organizers of the SJB approached party seniors to verify its accuracy. Every senior confirmed that the report was entirely false. In response, Sajith, directly refuted the claim. That statement is reproduced below.
Sajith’s statement
I strongly condemn the news item published in Lankadeepa under the headline “Disciplinary action against Mano who voted in favour of the budget.”
As the Leader of the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB), I categorically state that the report claiming there are internal demands to take disciplinary action against Hon. Mano Ganesan, Member of Parliament and Leader of the Democratic People’s Front, is entirely false and a baseless fabrication.
I firmly declare that no member or group within the Samagi Jana Balawegaya has held any discussion on initiating disciplinary measures against Hon. Mano Ganesan, nor is there any intention or expectation of doing so.
At a time when the country is facing a severe crisis, I express my deep disgust at such absurd allegations and deliberate misinformation spread by certain “media contractors” acting with malicious intent to undermine the national situation, weaken the opposition, and mislead the public.
These same elements have previously attempted to create turmoil within the SJB by launching mudslinging campaigns against me on multiple occasions. Having failed in those attempts, they are now clearly trying to fabricate divisions between the leaders of parties aligned with the Samagi Jana Balawegaya and our movement.
The defeated politicians rejected by the people now aim to engineer conflict among leaders of the opposition parties who have joined us in pursuit of clean political culture—ultimately seeking to hand an advantage to the government that continues to burden the public.
Since the presidential election, their motives have become increasingly obvious to the intelligent citizens of this country. We are also aware that individuals who once served within this media institution are now managing media operations on behalf of these defeated political groups.
The people of Sri Lanka can clearly see how this newspaper institution has been rejected due to its repeated attempts to manufacture false news. At a time when this organisation cannot even pay its own employees and is violating their rights while serving the interests of bankrupt political actors, they must understand that they cannot damage the Samagi Jana Balawegaya—or myself—through fabricated propaganda.
As the Leader of the Opposition and Leader of the SJB, I vehemently denounce this malicious and false reporting. I have also informed the relevant media institutions and individuals that legal action will be taken in the future against those who mislead the public by disseminating false information.
Sajith Premadasa
Leader of the Opposition
Parliament of Sri Lanka
