Sabitha’s Shadow Looms Large: Controversial Building Becomes Ranil’s Political Nightmare
Harsha Scrambles for Cover After Controversial Hiru TV Remarks Backfire
Malsha Steals Sirikotha—Harin Left Humiliated as Cameras Turn Away
New Opposition Bloc Emerges—Promising MP Welfare or Political Survival?
Nugegoda Rally Gears Up for Show of Force— Busloads Expected to Pack the Grounds
Government Fights
When the current government came to power, it made two major promises to the nation. The first was to investigate the Central Bank bond scam, apprehend those responsible, and ensure they were punished. The second was to recover the wealth allegedly hidden abroad by the Rajapaksa family.Yet, even after a year in office, no tangible progress has been seen on either front. As a result, opposition groups have repeatedly mocked the government, asking in frustration:
“Did you catch Arjuna Mahendran, the man behind the Central Bank scandal?” and “Did you recover the money hidden in Uganda by the Rajapaksas?” Since the government failed to provide clear answers, many assumed these promises would quietly fade away, joining the long list of broken pledges.
However, through the Inside Politics column, we are prepared to make an extraordinary revelation regarding these two matters—information that any other media outlet has not disclosed. According to sources, a highly detailed investigation and a secret negotiation are currently underway within the government concerning the bond scam. This development began a few weeks ago when Uvindu Kurukulasuriya, a London-based journalist closely associated with the government, posted a controversial photo on his Facebook page.
FB image
The image showed Arjuna Mahendran, the former Governor of the Central Bank and the chief suspect in the bond scandal. Uvindu explained that Mahendran had made a video call with him lasting several minutes, during which they discussed sensitive information. With Mahendran’s permission, Uvindu shared a screenshot from that call on social media. Uvindu further claimed that Mahendran had asked him to deliver a message to the President, though he refrained from revealing its contents. This marked the first time a live image of Arjuna Mahendran had appeared on social media since his departure from Sri Lanka. Mahendran’s Singaporean citizenship has long posed a significant obstacle to extradition. Singapore’s legal framework made it difficult to bring him back to Sri Lanka for questioning, and this was often cited as the reason why the bond investigation stalled midway.
Central Bank Fraud and Rajapaksa Assets
Because of repeated delays, many believed that despite government promises, the main perpetrators of the Central Bank bond scam would never be punished. Yet, the information we have received suggests otherwise. Following the release of the photo of Arjuna Mahendran, the investigations into the Central Bank fraud appear to be entering their final stages in a way no one anticipated. We believe the country will soon witness an extraordinary development: the public will finally see who the true masterminds of the bond scam were and how the fraudulent transaction unfolded.
Travel to Singapore
Plans are already in place for two of the most influential figures connected to the investigation to travel to Singapore in the near future. According to our sources, they are expected to engage in several rounds of highly confidential discussions there, directly related to the bond scam. While details remain scarce, it is understood that these talks aim at producing an outcome that few expected. If successful, many believe the investigation will conclude dramatically and decisively. The government is poised to present this as a major political victory and a powerful trump card for its future agenda.
In addition, we are prepared to reveal another significant development: the government is secretly negotiating with key institutions of the United States regarding the Rajapaksa family’s hidden assets abroad. Highly confidential information has already been exchanged between the two sides. Our sources confirm that these discussions are taking place discreetly, without any publicity, and involve sensitive details about assets registered under the Rajapaksa family’s names in the U.S. Although no official statements have been released by either government, it is understood that a major disclosure is planned for the future. Should this occur, it will undoubtedly serve as another political trump card for the ruling party.
Furthermore, if the investigation into the Rajapaksa assets reaches a successful conclusion, the government is preparing to announce Provincial Council elections in the third quarter of next year. On the campaign stage, its two main victories will be showcased: the resolution of the Central Bank bond scam and the recovery of the Rajapaksa family’s hidden wealth.
Sabitha’s Building
In our Inside Politics column, we reveal highly confidential information from behind the scenes of politics—details not published or accessible through any other media. After verifying with multiple sources, we are publishing this account.
A few weeks ago, through the Mawrata newspaper, we disclosed that a former president was soon to be questioned in connection with a highly controversial incident from the past. Specifically, we reported that a special investigation had been launched into the leasing of the building known as the “Sabitha Building” in Rajagiriya to the Ministry of Agriculture, amid allegations of significant corruption surrounding the transaction. During the course of these investigations, the Bribery Commission unexpectedly summoned former President Maithripala Sirisena last week to provide a statement. At the time, the reason for his summons and the details of his testimony were unknown.
Our information indicates that Sirisena was called to state the leasing of Sabitha’s building to the Ministry of Agriculture. The cabinet paper authorizing the lease had been presented by then–Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe during Sirisena’s presidency.The deal sparked considerable controversy at the time due to the large sums involved, and it also triggered tensions between Sirisena and Wickremesinghe. In response, Sirisena appointed a separate committee to investigate the matter, and it is said that the committee’s final report is now in the possession of the Bribery Commission.
Don’t Take Dawood Lightly
The dominant topic in South Asia these days has been the suicide terrorist attacks in the capitals of India and Pakistan. At the beginning of last week, a car bomb exploded in New Delhi, and less than 24 hours later, another car bomb detonated in Islamabad.
Just days before these blasts, an extraordinary news story surfaced in both Indian and Sri Lankan media about Ibrahim Dawood—a notorious drug trafficker, wanted by India, and widely regarded as the world’s most powerful underworld leader. Reports claimed that Dawood had entered into an agreement with the LTTE in Sri Lanka to expand his drug network. While all major Indian media outlets carried the story, Sri Lanka’s Sinhala-language press remained silent, with only a handful of English-language newspapers reporting it. Several outlets attributed the information to Indian intelligence agencies. Yet, notably, neither the Indian government nor its intelligence services confirmed or denied the report.
Minister denies
Despite the widespread coverage in India, Sri Lanka’s Minister of Public Security, Ananda Wijepala, stated that no such information had been shared with Sri Lankan intelligence by their Indian counterparts. To date, India has neither confirmed nor refuted the claim. A few days later, however, New Delhi was rocked by a terrorist attack, followed swiftly by a suicide bombing in Islamabad. Following investigations, India officially classified the incidents as terrorist attacks and suspects Ibrahim Dawood’s involvement.
Dawood has been designated by the United Nations Security Council as a highly dangerous individual. He is recognized as a major figure in international drug trafficking and is known to maintain extensive ties with terrorist organizations, including Al-Qaeda and Lashkar-e-Taiba. Once operating from Dubai, Dawood is now accused by the Indian government of running his operations from Pakistan.
If, as Indian media suggests, Dawood has indeed struck a deal with the LTTE to expand his drug empire in Sri Lanka, this is not a matter that can be dismissed lightly by the country’s security forces or government. Sri Lanka’s political history shows how devastating attacks have triggered major shifts in power. The Easter Sunday bombings, which many believe paved the way for a significant political transformation, remain unresolved to this day.
Sajith’s Visit to India
Last week, we revealed a significant development related to Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa’s visit to India, which took place just one week before the terrorist attack in New Delhi. We reported that India rarely extends official invitations to opposition leaders, and that this particular invitation, issued at a critical moment, carried deeper political implications. As noted earlier in this column, several Sri Lankan leaders — from former President Chandrika Kumaratunga to Anura Kumara Dissanayake — were invited to India before assuming power, followed by notable shifts in the political landscape.
It was for these reasons that UNP Leader and former President Ranil Wickremesinghe was visibly unsettled by Sajith’s visit to India. Ranil appeared to sense that India had already made a decisive assessment of Sajith’s political prospects. From the outset, Ranil’s primary political agenda has been to weaken Sajith and the SJB. Since assuming the presidency, he has not focused on strengthening the UNP or its organisational machinery; instead, he concentrated on undermining the SJB in every possible way.
In an effort to divide the SJB and diminish Sajith’s influence, Ranil reportedly persuaded six or seven SJB members to align with him. To secure their loyalty, he allegedly offered political favours — including liquor licenses, large sums of decentralised funds, valuable state land, and fuel station licenses. Through such inducements, Ranil encouraged actions and statements designed to embarrass both Sajith and the SJB.
Sincere effort
Despite this backdrop of hostility, Sajith made a sincere effort to support Ranil when he was previously arrested. Setting aside past grievances, he visited Ranil daily — both in prison and at the National Hospital — to inquire after his well-being. He rallied party members to support Ranil’s release, leading many to believe that this goodwill gesture could pave the way for unity between the two leaders and their parties.
However, Ranil disregarded all these efforts. Even while receiving medical treatment, he resumed his familiar attacks on Sajith. He reportedly used the ‘Lankadeepa’ newspaper — owned by his cousin, Ruwan Wijewardene — to publish allegations that the Bribery Commission was preparing to arrest Sajith. By publicising claims of investigations, Ranil attempted to discredit him. In doing so, he destroyed a rare opportunity for the two parties to forge an alliance.
Successful visit
Following the warm reception Sajith received from senior Indian government officials during his recent visit, Ranil appears to have been unsettled once again. Ranil has long portrayed himself as the only Sri Lankan leader with meaningful international ties.
But Sajith’s successful visit — and India’s evident interest — triggered renewed political jealousy. This was reflected in last weekend’s political column in Ranil’s family-owned newspaper, the Sunday Times, which launched a targeted attack on Sajith. Once respected for accurate political reporting, the column has now deteriorated into an unreliable platform shaped by personal loyalties. Consequently, its readership — and the newspaper’s overall circulation — has declined sharply.
One particular issue that irritated Ranil was the delegation Sajith chose to accompany him to India. Instead of taking senior party figures, Sajith brought two highly educated young professionals. One of them was Kusum Wijethilaka, son of the late Rienzi Wijethilaka — a leading figure in Sri Lanka’s banking sector and a recognised expert in economics. Although Rienzi had been sympathetic to the UNP, he was a consistent critic of Ranil’s economic policies. Ranil’s long-standing friction with Rienzi likely contributed to his displeasure over Kusum’s inclusion in the delegation. As a result, the Sunday Times ran a political column filled with distortions aimed at discrediting him.
Derana attack
Meanwhile, Dilith Jayaweera’s Derana media network also launched an attack on Sajith, focusing on his remarks in India about implementing the 13th Amendment. Yet this was neither new nor controversial: even the current President, Anura Dissanayake, publicly pledged during the last presidential election to fully implement the 13th Amendment. For this reason, Derana’s criticism gained little traction.
Despite Derana’s frequent targeting of the SJB, many observers note the close personal relationship between Dilith Jayaweera and Ranil. Derana’s editorial agenda has consistently produced content that seeks to undermine Sajith. We are prepared to disclose further significant revelations regarding this matter in the near future.
Harsha is Upset
Meanwhile, alongside the Sunday Times, Ranil once again used the Lankadeepa newspaper to stir tensions within the SJB by publishing a story claiming that serious internal disputes had arisen over the delegates Sajith chose to take on his India tour. The report suggested that inexperienced young individuals had been included, while senior, seasoned members were left out.
This narrative was intended to provoke Dr. Harsha de Silva, the SJB’s chief economic spokesperson, over Sajith’s decision to take a young economist on the India visit. In truth, Harsha himself had strong reservations about the trip. He had expected Sajith to include him, particularly since meetings with the Indian Finance Minister were scheduled. However, concerns regarding Harsha’s conduct had been brewing within the SJB for some time.
Ranil’s influence
It is widely alleged within the party that Harsha has been operating under Ranil’s influence. Many in the SJB are well aware that Ranil has used Harsha to create internal rifts. During Ranil’s presidency, Harsha reportedly received unusually large allocations through decentralised funds — sums not granted to any other opposition MP. Even Anura, then in the opposition, strongly protested the way Harsha and several of Ranil’s associates received these funds.
In the past, Harsha also attempted to oust Sajith from the party leadership and position himself as both SJB leader and Opposition Leader. Furthermore, Harsha was unable to manage the Kotte electorate effectively, causing the SJB to fall to third place there at the last general election.
According to the official invitation extended by the Indian government, Sajith was permitted to take two additional delegates. As noted earlier, he first selected Kusum Wijethilaka, son of the late economist Rienzi Wijethilaka.
His second choice was Kotte Municipal Councillor Chamith Wijesundara. Chamith is a university graduate who previously worked in Sajith’s media division. Since considerable coordination work was required in India, Sajith took only one more individual — another well-qualified young professional. In addition, Sajith’s close friend and prominent businessman, Lucky Fonseka, joined the trip at his own expense. Lucky has long been Sajith’s confidant through both good times and hardship, but he was not part of the official delegation.
Leader’s choice
As party leader, Sajith has every right to select his own delegation. When Ranil was UNP leader, he travelled abroad frequently, yet never took senior or talented party members along. Regardless of whether it was India or another country, he was always accompanied only by Sagala Ratnayake. No one in the UNP ever questioned this.
Given the sensitivity of the Indian invitation, Sajith exercised great caution. Many warned that if details leaked, Ranil or government elements might attempt to sabotage the visit. Sajith was also aware that Ranil had several informants within the SJB. He knew that if he discussed the trip openly, the information would reach Ranil almost immediately. Therefore, while regular discussions took place with senior officials at the Indian High Commission regarding the visit, Sajith refrained from speaking about it within the party.
Once the final schedule had been agreed upon with Indian authorities, Sajith formally informed the SJB at the last meeting of the party’s management committee. Harsha, notably, did not attend that meeting.
Sajith’s suspicions were confirmed when, upon landing in New Delhi, attacks were launched on websites aligned with Ranil, claiming that Sajith had sidelined senior members and taken only his friends. They even published a photo of Lucky Fonseka to bolster this narrative. However, the smear campaign failed to gain traction.
Visibly upset
Harsha was receiving his own stream of information about the India visit from various sources. When he learned that Chamith Wijesundara — a municipal councillor in his own electorate — had accompanied Sajith, he became visibly upset. He immediately phoned Chamith in India to question him. Chamith explained that he had gone at the personal invitation of the party leader. From that point, Harsha’s dissatisfaction with the trip escalated.
This became evident during his appearance on Hiru TV’s Salakuna program. When asked about Sajith’s India visit, Harsha claimed he knew nothing about it and that the party had not been informed. The journalists, sensing his tone and body language, pursued the matter further, prompting Harsha to make several uncomfortable remarks.
Strong objections
Within hours of his comments, strong objections emerged from within the SJB. Multiple members publicly stated that Sajith had, in fact, informed the management committee about the India visit, and that Harsha’s absence was the only reason he was unaware. The next day, S.M. Marikkar reiterated this at the SJB media briefing and clarified that Sajith had duly communicated the details to the party.
Another major controversy surrounding Harsha last week was his budget speech, delivered on behalf of the opposition, in which he appeared to praise the government. He declared that the Treasury was now “full like never before” and that the country should be genuinely pleased about it.
Additionally, Harsha and Kabir participated in the President’s traditional tea party, despite Sajith and the rest of the SJB MPs declining the invitation. Photographs of Harsha engaged in close conversation with the President were widely circulated in the government media that same night.
Harsha’s speech
At a meeting held at the Opposition Leader’s office last Tuesday, several SJB MPs harshly criticised Harsha’s speech and his appearance at the tea party, accusing him of undermining the opposition’s position during a crucial budget debate. They also criticised Sajith for assigning the opening budget speech to Harsha. Many MPs had suggested giving the opportunity to Mujibur Rahman, Sujeewa Senasinghe, or Nalin Bandara, but Sajith had insisted that Harsha, as the party’s leading economic voice, should open the debate.
Sajith had never anticipated that Harsha would use the opportunity to praise the government. As a result, Sujeewa Senasinghe had to deliver an 18-minute speech the following day, sharply attacking the government’s budget to neutralise the damage caused. Sajith, too, delivered a forceful speech targeting the government and revitalising the opposition’s position. Many observers remarked that it was one of Sajith’s strongest speeches in Parliament in recent times.
Harsha Regrets
It is learned that Harsha has since expressed his regret to Sajith following his remarks on Hiru TV, as well as after SJB MPs strongly objected to his praise of the government during the budget debate — a move they felt had seriously undermined the opposition’s position. Harsha is said to have acknowledged that he should have responded more appropriately when questioned about Sajith’s India visit.
Although further details of the conversation remain unclear, it is understood that a significant number of MPs sharply criticised Harsha during this discussion. Some within the party reportedly went so far as to tell Harsha that if he intended to operate in alignment with Ranil or Anura, he should leave the SJB and pursue his politics alongside them rather than acting on their behalf from within the party.
Harin’s Guest
Last week, former UNP MP Harin Fernando arrived at the ‘Sirikotha’ party headquarters to formally assume duties as Deputy General Secretary after receiving his new appointment. What caught many by surprise, however, was not Harin’s new role but the guest who accompanied him. Traditionally, it is not customary for Ranil Wickremesinghe or other senior UNP leaders to bring their spouses to Sirikotha. Yet Harin appeared with Malsha Kumaratunga, daughter of former Minister Jeevan Kumaratunga, who is now living under the same roof with him. As a result, much of the attention at the ceremony shifted from Harin to Malsha.
During his speech after assuming office, Harin took a confrontational stance toward the SJB. Many had expected him to immediately support efforts to merge the UNP and SJB. Instead, he declared that the SJB must work toward unification with the UNP—or else he would take steps to lure MPs away from the SJB and bring them into the UNP.
Seniors not happy
This statement unsettled senior UNP figures Akila Viraj Kariyawasam, Thalatha Athukorala, and Vajira Abeywardena, who saw Harin’s words as a serious setback to the merger process. Some even speculated whether Harin’s remarks were influenced by external pressure or a government-backed agenda to sabotage unity efforts.
The speech quickly reached the ears of the SJB. Many MPs informed party leader Sajith Premadasa that Harin’s acceptance of the UNP post was part of a deliberate plan to weaken the SJB. They reminded Sajith of Harin’s past maneuvers—first securing an MP post from the SJB, then aligning with Ranil to obtain a ministerial position. To them, Harin’s latest statement was nothing short of a direct threat.
After listening carefully, Sajith responded calmly: “Don’t pay too much attention to the stories spoken here and there. If anyone tries to break the party, I will see how it is broken. He tried before, but he couldn’t. So let’s continue our work.”
Rebellion Within the UNP
Meanwhile, significant developments unfolded regarding the upcoming anti-government rally in Nugegoda on the 21st, organized by several opposition parties. For weeks, inside reports revealed how Ranil attempted to position himself as the central figure of the rally, only to be countered by the Pohottuwa, which insisted that no sitting president should attend. This created tension within the UNP. In internal discussions, some argued that senior UNP leaders should avoid the rally altogether due to the ban on Ranil’s participation, suggesting instead that only a representative be sent. Ranil, however, stood firm, insisting that all members should attend and follow his directive.
UNP seniors absent
The crisis deepened during the final round of talks between the UNP and Pohottuwa. Initially, the UNP planned to host the discussion at Sirikotha, even staging a show that Namal Rajapaksa would attend there. But Namal chose instead to meet Ranil at his Flower Road office in Colombo. He was joined by Pohottuwa General Secretary Sagara Kariyawasam, MPs D.V. Chanaka, Johnston Fernando, and Sanjeewa Edirimanna. From the UNP , only National Organizer Sagala Ratnayake participated. Notably absent were all other senior UNP leaders, including Chairman Vajira Abeywardena, General Secretary Thalatha Athukorala, Deputy General Secretary Harin Fernando, Deputy Leader Ruwan Wijewardena, Vice Leader Akila Viraj Kariyawasam, and Naveen Dissanayake. Vajira was seen briefly greeting Namal at the gate before leaving.
This absence fueled speculation. Some believed the seniors boycotted the meeting in protest of Ranil’s decision to have Sagala represent the party. Others suspected it was a silent rejection of Ranil’s broader attempt to unite the UNP with the Pohottuwa. Indeed, at a UNP Working Committee meeting three months earlier, Ranil had proposed a merger between the two parties. Senior leaders, including Thalatha, Ruwan, Akila, and Naveen, strongly opposed the idea, arguing that the political cultures of the UNP and Pohottuwa were fundamentally incompatible.
Crowds to Nugegoda
Meanwhile, a separate discussion was held within the Pohottuwa group last week regarding the upcoming 21st Nugegoda rally. A key point of concern was the size of the crowd expected to attend. Some members said the Pohottuwa would have to shoulder the entire responsibility for bringing people, noting that the UNP could not participate and did not have sufficient party members to contribute to the turnout.
Namal’s remarks
The group pointed out that Pohottuwa could deploy more than 270 buses, making it possible to bring at least 15,000 people to Nugegoda. Namal Rajapaksa made a notable remark regarding the SJB’s decision not to participate in the rally:
“The SJB has now decided not to attend the rally. I have seen some of our people criticizing this decision. But I say we should not attack the SJB over this. It is simply their policy. Perhaps in the future, a situation may arise where we can all work together as the opposition. Therefore, do not attack the SJB on this matter at any time.” In line with this sentiment, Udaya Gammanpila stated at a media conference last week that an opportunity would arise in the future for all opposition parties to work together.
Sajith at Dilith’s House
While several opposition parties were planning a joint rally in Nugegoda, an unexpected unity among opposition members took place inside Parliament last week. A meeting of opposition representatives was held last Thursday, with Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa also in attendance.
Among those present were MPs Sujeewa Senasinghe, Dayasiri Jayasekara, Dilith Jayaweera, D.V. Chanaka, and Adekkhilanathan. They discussed forming a welfare organization for MPs to provide financial assistance in the event of a family bereavement or sudden emergency. It was unanimously decided to appoint Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa as the Patron of the Welfare Association.
- Chairman: Sujith Sanjaya Perera
- Secretary: Hector Appuhami
- Deputy Secretary: D.V. Chanaka (Pohottuwa)
- Conveners: Dilith Jayaweera, Sujeewa Senasinghe, and Dayasiri Jayasekara
The group agreed to meet monthly as part of a friendly gathering. Dilith Jayaweera was given responsibility for organizing the first meeting, which he offered to host at his home the following evening, Friday. Sajith confirmed that he would attend. In the midst of recent political tensions, it was notable that Dilith ended up hosting a cheerful gathering for members of all opposition factions—particularly at a time when he had been criticized by other opposition parties. Commenting humorously on this, Dilith said:
“The worst thing has happened to me. These past few days I’ve been fighting with every party. Now, because of this, I won’t have to fight with anyone.” His remark sent the entire group into laughter. Thus, while several parties were planning a political front against the government for the 21st, an unexpected new opposition alliance was taking shape informally inside Parliament.
A Message from Anura to the North
Last week, the father of Tamil Arasu Katchi MP Shanakyan Rasamanikkam passed away. President Anura Kumara Dissanayake attended the funeral in Colombo to pay his respects. A noteworthy moment occurred when the President and Rasamanikkam held a cordial discussion about the current political situation. Rasamanikkam informed the President that the Malima government had failed, for one year, to take any action toward a political solution for the issues in the North and East. As a result, a majority of the party’s MPs had decided to oppose the budget as a form of protest.
He further noted that even though six months had passed since the party had written requesting a meeting with the President, not even an acknowledgment letter had been sent. This had created significant frustration among Tamil MPs. He reminded the President that even during the post-war Mahinda Rajapaksa administration, the Tamil Alliance was granted discussions—and in return, the Tamil Alliance had voted in favor of Mahinda’s budget at that time. The President responded that he would take steps to arrange a discussion with the Tamil Arasu Katchi Party soon.
Accordingly, last week Rasamanikkam contacted the President by phone to follow up. A few hours later, he received a message from the Presidential Secretariat stating that the President had allocated time for a discussion on the 19th or 20th. According to inside political sources, this special meeting is scheduled to be held at the Presidential Secretariat on one of those dates.
