Ruwan Sidelines Himself: UNP Politics Faces a Vacuum
Sajith’s Indian Tour: A Triumphant Diplomatic Swing
Global Recognition for Sajith: IRW Honors Sri Lankan Leader
Pohottuwa Gears Up for November 21st Showdown
Tilvin Heads to India: Diplomatic Engagements on the Horizon
The Co-operative Defeat
In the past, not only politicians but also the public understood the direction of the country’s political winds, not merely through national elections, but also by holding by-elections. Those by-elections provided each government with an opportunity to gauge its popularity. However, with constitutional amendments abolishing by-elections, governments in later years measured their popularity through Provincial Council elections.
For example, the 1993 Provincial Council election clearly reflected both the prevailing political mood of the country and the popularity of the then-government. It laid the groundwork for toppling 17 years of UNP rule. Chandrika Bandaranaike’s victory as the Chief Minister of the Western Province in that election became the foundation upon which she rose to the Presidency of the country.
Later, during Chandrika’s presidency, the North Western Provincial Council election became a signal of the next major political shift. At that time, the government’s popularity had declined so significantly that many within her administration predicted the SLFP-led government would lose that election.
However, Chandrika went ahead with the polls and secured a massive victory through what later became recorded in history as one of the most controversial “black elections,” where women were allegedly paraded naked on the streets. Even so, that election sent a clear signal that the government’s popularity was on the decline.
This fear surrounding the holding of Provincial Council elections was something Ranil Wickremesinghe was acutely aware of during his time in power. Therefore, soon after the formation of the Yahapalana (Good Governance) government, Ranil took steps to effectively eliminate Provincial Council elections. He did this by introducing a new topic on electoral boundary delimitation to Parliament, thereby creating procedural room to postpone the polls indefinitely.
Ranil’s decision to suspend the Provincial Council elections was clearly based on his awareness that the Yahapalana government’s popularity had already begun to fade and that holding the elections would result in a severe defeat. However, Ranil could not conceal the administration’s failures, as the people and the opposition turned the 2018 Local Government election—held after three years—into a referendum of sorts.
In that election, for the first time in history, the ruling party suffered a crushing defeat, with the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP or “Pohottuwa”) winning control of a vast majority of local bodies. This marked the beginning of the end for the Yahapalana regime and paved the way for the rise of the Gotabaya Rajapaksa-led SLPP government.
The current government of Anura Kumara Dissanayake came to power after winning the presidential election, followed by the parliamentary election, where the “Malima” alliance secured an overwhelming two-thirds majority and formed the government.
However, five months later, the Local Government election became an early indicator of the Malima government’s direction. The government suffered a major setback, losing about two million votes. The opposition—led by the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB)—gained control of nearly 100 local bodies. Yet, because the Malima alliance still retained power in most councils, the deep warning signs hidden within the results went largely unnoticed.
Before the 2024 Presidential election, co-operative society elections—which often reflect the mood at the village level—were held, and Malima won them one after another. During a television program at that time, presidential candidate Anura and Malima’s senior figure Handunnetti both claimed that the co-operative election victories demonstrated how rural areas had moved away from both the SLPP and the SJB and rallied around Malima. Anura declared that national victory could be predicted through success in these co-operative polls.
Indeed, Anura’s words proved true, as the electoral trend seen at the village level was mirrored across the entire country, enabling him to claim victory.
Now, the Malima government has completed its first year in office. So, what are the results of the recent co-operative elections?
In the past month, the majority of co-operative polls have been won outright by the SJB, while in many other areas, the SJB managed to secure power in alliance with the opposition. The government’s most serious defeat and setback, however, was witnessed last week in the Southern Province, during the co-operative election centered on Kotapola. The people delivered a harsh message to the government through the Kotapola results. Many believe this was the most severe defeat the government has faced in recent co-operative elections.
Several factors contributed to this outcome. Earlier, through our “Inside Politics” column, we revealed that the government was preparing to hold Provincial Council elections. However, two weeks after that revelation, we exclusively reported that the government had decided to postpone the election. We explained that, just as Ranil had once done, the current administration, too, had decided not to hold Provincial Council elections.
At that time, we also made another disclosure: The Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) had conducted a nationwide survey targeting the upcoming Provincial Council elections, and the results from the Pelawatta area revealed that Malima’s popularity at the grassroots level had sharply declined. According to that survey, the SJB had made significant gains in rural areas, while Namal Rajapaksa’s SLPP, too, had shown a measurable recovery at the village level.
These findings, therefore, became one of the key reasons why the government decided to avoid holding the Provincial Council elections.
Why is the Kotapola defeat decisive for the government?
One main reason is that the Kotapola Cooperative is one of the largest cooperatives in Sri Lanka. Compared to other regional cooperatives, it has a significantly larger membership base, making it a powerful institution. Therefore, due to the large number of votes within it, the political direction of the rural grassroots can be clearly gauged through its election results.
Moreover, the South is considered a JVP stronghold. It is also the home turf of Minister Sunil Handunnetti, one of the key Cabinet ministers in the current government, and the recognized leader in the southern region. The government attached immense importance to the Kotapola cooperative election—so much so that the Malima administration launched one of the most extensive election campaigns ever witnessed in history, specifically targeting Kotapola.
For the first time, posters were displayed across the Kotapola region, featuring the faces and candidate numbers of all contestants, under the slogan “Our Candidates,” much like in a national general election. This was because victory at Kotapola was seen as critically important for the Malima government.
However, the final result turned out to be a devastating defeat for Malima — the opposition led by the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) secured 65 members, while Malima managed to win only about 25.
What’s particularly notable is that several key local figures who previously led the Kotapola Pradeshiya Sabha — including attorney-at-law Chaminda Gunasekara, councillors Wickramasinghe and Haritha Karunanayake — were all defeated. Haritha Karunanayake had previously served as the chairperson of the Kotapola Multi-Service Cooperative Society. The result, therefore, was not just a loss — it was a warning to the government, much like a by-election result. The battle between Malima and the SJB mirrored a full-fledged midterm contest.
Another significant outcome of this defeat was the visible frustration among top Malima officials. A brother of one southern MP posted on Facebook saying, “If we had won, we would have convened the general assembly and appointed the board of directors right away—just watch us!”
In response, someone commented, “Just be patient—why the hurry?” to which the MP’s brother replied, “Whether we wait or hurry, you all won’t get the cooperative. It’s not for you… and it won’t be given.”
However, when the board of directors was finally appointed, Malima could not secure a single seat. All seven positions on the board were taken by opposition members — six from the SJB and one from the Pohottuwa.
Thus, the election outcome made it abundantly clear — as even the President had claimed — that the grassroots wave has now firmly shifted toward the SJB.
Throughout this column, we have repeatedly pointed out that SJB leader Sajith Premadasa has been working tirelessly at the grassroots level, travelling from village to village to build his party’s base. Yet, certain “deal-makers” within the SJB — those who secretly side with Ranil — fail to grasp this rising power in the villages.
We highlighted this not out of mere speculation, but because the rural influence once held by Mahinda and the Pohottuwa has now faded. That same rural strength was later captured by Anura. But now, one year into the Malima government, Sajith has successfully redirected that power from Anura toward the SJB.
By securing cooperative victories across the country, Sajith has demonstrated his growing strength in rural areas. Sadly, the pro-Ranil dealmakers within the SJB fail to understand this wave.
From the very beginning, these individuals have sought to undermine Sajith and drag the SJB — the main opposition with over 50 MPs — into alignment with Ranil, who has no parliamentary presence and no grassroots base. For the past five years, through various committees and schemes, these dealmakers have worked not to uplift Sajith or the SJB, but to destroy both.
We have consistently revealed that as the government’s popularity declines, a new wave in favor of the SJB is rising in rural areas. The result at Kotapola — one of the largest cooperatives in the South — has confirmed our earlier prediction.
On the other hand, the South had been Pohottuwa territory. Their campaign operations were led by Nipuna Ranawaka, a relative of the Rajapaksa family, while Sunil Handunnetti represented the government’s influence in the region. Everyone knew their family backgrounds. Yet hardly anyone in the country even knew who the SJB organizer for Deniyaya, which includes Kotapola, was.
Despite this, the SJB achieved an overwhelming victory in Kotapola because the party and Sajith have been steadily building goodwill among rural voters. Many believe that SJB officials in Colombo must understand the message sent by the rural electorate.
People in the South who once supported Pohottuwa turned away from it because of the widespread corruption under its rule. Initially, they supported Malima, seeing it as a clean, new political group. But now, they too are rejecting Malima.
At this stage, it is unlikely that those votes will return to the Pohottuwa. They are instead likely to shift toward Sajith and the SJB — a party seen as cleaner, more capable, and free from corruption. Many voters now feel that by not supporting such a group earlier, they made a mistake.
Furthermore, during these cooperative elections — which the SJB won one after another — not a single place heard the name of the United National Party (UNP). Ranil’s UNP was entirely absent from the rural vote base.
The “Judases” within the SJB — those who secretly undermine the party and side with Ranil — are trying to take the SJB into his fold, even though he is irrelevant to the grassroots.
Except for Gampola, the SJB-led opposition won nearly all cooperative elections held recently. In Gampola, the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) won due to the influence of Anuradha Jayaratne, son of former Prime Minister D. M. Jayaratne. The SLFP secured four seats, while the SJB won three.
In every other area where the opposition won, the SJB led the results, with Pohottuwa coming in second after gaining one or two seats. The UNP, however, failed to win a single seat anywhere.
Therefore, as we have been emphasizing for years, if those insiders within the SJB — the so-called “dealmakers” — had worked to strengthen the party instead of dragging it toward Ranil, the SJB would be far stronger today.
Instead, these individuals have conspired within the party, making deals with Ranil, and actively worked to weaken Sajith and the SJB. In previous reports, we have publicly named several of these 17 members. There are still about four or five whose names we have not yet revealed — but when the time comes, we will expose them too in this column.
Sajith’s Presence in India
At a media briefing held last week at the Opposition Leader’s Office—shortly after the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) secured victories in several cooperative divisions, including Kotapola, the largest in Sri Lanka—party representative Niroshan Padukka made a remarkable statement.
Niroshan said that India, a country deeply attuned to the political currents and undercurrents of Sri Lanka, had officially invited Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa for a visit. According to him, this invitation was a clear sign that India had already sensed the winds of political change likely to sweep through Sri Lanka in the near future.
Many believe that Niroshan’s comment carried a significant political message. Generally, a country like India does not make such decisions or take such steps impulsively—it acts only after considering long-term perspectives and implications.
If one looks at India’s insight into Sri Lankan politics, history shows that for the past three decades, India has often been able to predict political shifts in Sri Lanka years in advance.
The first example of this came in 1992, when India officially invited Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga to visit the country. At that time, Chandrika had only just entered active politics in Sri Lanka—she was not even a member of a provincial council. Yet India had correctly foreseen that she would soon rise to power in Sri Lankan politics.
That prediction proved true when Chandrika ended 17 years of UNP rule and ascended to the presidency in 1994.
India’s Political Foresight
After that, in 2003, India invited Mahinda Rajapaksa for an official visit. Following that visit, Mahinda went on to secure power as Sri Lanka’s President in 2005.
Subsequently, in 2013, India extended an official invitation to then-Opposition Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe for a visit. The outcome of that visit was seen two years later, when Mahinda’s government was defeated in 2015, paving the way for Maithripala Sirisena’s victory and Ranil’s appointment as Prime Minister.
Again, in September 2018, India invited Mahinda—who was at that time the Opposition Leader—for another official visit. The following year, in 2019, Mahinda was once again appointed Prime Minister.
These instances clearly show how deeply India can sense the direction of Sri Lanka’s political winds. A telling example of this came when India, in 2024, extended an official invitation to Anura Kumara Dissanayake—leader of the JVP, a party that holds only three parliamentary seats. India did so fully aware that the JVP had always been strongly anti-Indian.
During that visit, Anura met and held discussions with India’s key figures—External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar and National Security Advisor Ajit Doval. Additionally, at Anura’s own request, he met Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M.K. Stalin. The official engagements of Anura’s Indian visit were limited to these three meetings.
However, India’s official invitation itself became a crucial turning point for Anura, signaling New Delhi’s full support and goodwill toward him. It was also seen as a message to both the business community and the international actors—many of whom had remained noncommittal—that India stood behind Anura’s rise. That, in turn, proved decisive in gaining their confidence and support.
Over the past three decades, India has consistently demonstrated an uncanny ability to sense both the “scent and wind” of Sri Lankan politics long before changes actually occur.
In more recent years, however, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government has adopted a different stance from previous Congress administrations. Unlike Congress, the BJP has not extended formal invitations to Sri Lankan Opposition Leaders.
Under Congress rule, Opposition Leaders from Sri Lanka were often invited to India and given opportunities to meet with the Indian Prime Minister. For instance, when Ranil Wickremesinghe was invited in 2013 as Opposition Leader, he met with then-Prime Minister Manmohan Singh.
But after Congress fell and the BJP came to power, a new policy was adopted—Opposition Leaders might still be invited, but they would not be granted meetings with the Indian Prime Minister.
During Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s most recent visit to Sri Lanka, however, a significant exception was made. We previously reported an exclusive revelation that Modi met privately with Sajith Premadasa—a meeting arranged at Modi’s own request.
At that time, former President Ranil Wickremesinghe and several other prominent figures had also sought meetings with Modi, but none were granted. Yet, at Modi’s personal request, a 20-minute meeting was scheduled with Sajith Premadasa, which eventually extended to nearly 40 minutes.
During that discussion, Modi formally invited Sajith to visit India at the earliest possible time and assured him that the necessary arrangements would be made. Notably, no other media outlet in Sri Lanka reported this detail—we were the only one to do so.
Our assessment is that BJP decision-makers, aware that the Indian Prime Minister could not officially meet Opposition Leaders in India, arranged for Modi to meet Sajith during his visit to Sri Lanka instead. It was at that moment, sources say, that Modi personally extended the official invitation for Sajith Premadasa to visit India.
The Nature of Sajith and Modi’s Relationship
It is also worth noting the background of the relationship between Sajith Premadasa and Narendra Modi. During the Yahapalana government, when Sajith served as Minister of Housing, Prime Minister Modi visited Sri Lanka and, Sajith personally went to Katunayake as the minister in charge of welcoming Modi upon his arrival. Sajith also initiated the construction of the Udagam Housing Complex in the plantation sector, dedicated in Modi’s name.
Since then, Modi is said to have developed a certain fondness or regard for Sajith. In keeping with that relationship, India informed Sajith in advance that he was invited to undertake an official visit to India in the first week of November.
Therefore, Sajith’s recent visit to India was not an ordinary one—it was of great significance for several reasons.
As Opposition Leader, Sajith broke away from the usual pattern followed by his predecessors. Traditionally, Sri Lankan Opposition Leaders visiting India had used the opportunity to highlight the shortcomings and weaknesses of the Sri Lankan government.
But Sajith consciously departed from that practice. At no point during his visit did he criticize or comment negatively on the current government of Sri Lanka.
During this visit, Sajith held discussions with several key Indian figures, including Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman, External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar, National Security Advisor Ajit Doval, Speaker Om Birla, and Health Minister Mansukh Mandaviya. Yet, in none of these meetings did he express any criticism of the Sri Lankan administration.
Instead, his sole request was that India extend its support and assistance to the people of Sri Lanka and invest in the country’s development.
At one point, when a close associate asked him over the phone why he had not raised political criticisms while abroad, Sajith reportedly replied:
“I never speak ill of Sri Lanka when I am overseas. Even though I’m the Opposition Leader, I would never, during an official visit, convey negative information about my country’s politics to a foreign nation.”
This stance was clearly visible during his interview with ANI News Service, one of India’s largest media organizations. When journalists questioned him about Sri Lankan politics, Sajith firmly stated that he was visiting India in an official capacity, and that he would not make any critical or political remarks about Sri Lanka during such a visit.
Unprecedented Encounters During Sajith’s India Visit
One of the most remarkable aspects of Sajith Premadasa’s visit to India was that he faced situations no previous Sri Lankan Opposition Leader had ever encountered. For the first time in history, Sajith was invited to participate in a special discussion with the Institute for Research on World Affairs (IRW) — India’s foremost advisory council that provides guidance to the government on international and bilateral agreements.
Since no other Opposition Leader or even Head of State had previously been granted such an opportunity, Sajith immediately accepted the invitation. The IRW comprises a panel of highly respected experts in international politics, including retired Major General Ashok Mehta, a former head of the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) who is well known in Sri Lanka.
The discussion lasted for about an hour. Sajith began by delivering a brief address, and one of the most noteworthy moments came when the moderator introduced him. She described Sajith as “a leader with a deep understanding of grassroots realities in Sri Lanka — someone who practices politics in close connection with the poor and the marginalized.”
Sajith’s speech — delivered without a teleprompter or even a single note — drew widespread admiration from all present.
Interestingly, in recent times, both social media circles aligned with Malima and pro-Ranil media outlets had mocked Sajith, claiming that his English was too heavy and difficult for ordinary people to understand. Ironically, those same critics, when speaking in English abroad, have themselves often faced public embarrassment — something the Sri Lankan public is well aware of.
Yet, during this visit, Sajith’s eloquent and clear command of English was on full display. His ability to articulate his ideas convincingly earned praise from the audience. In fact, several participants began their questions by first thanking him for his insightful opening remarks — a rare gesture in such forums.
During the question-and-answer session, Sajith fielded questions on topics such as the ethnic issue in Sri Lanka’s North and East, possible political solutions to it, and ways to overcome the country’s economic crisis. His direct and thoughtful answers prompted the panel to thank him formally at the end of the discussion for his clarity and honesty.
Another key event of the visit was Sajith’s one-on-one meeting with India’s External Affairs Minister, S. Jaishankar. Initially scheduled for just 30 minutes, the meeting was extended to nearly an hour due to the importance of the subjects discussed. According to diplomatic sources, the two exchanged views on several highly sensitive and decisive matters.
During his stay, Sajith was accommodated at the Ratnadeepa Mayura Hotel in New Delhi. Major Indian media outlets — including NDTV, WION, and ANI — made numerous requests for interviews, all of which Sajith honored by participating in detailed discussions.
Another unexpected but significant meeting occurred outside his official itinerary — with J.P. Nadda, the National President of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and India’s recently appointed Health Minister. Although Sajith’s schedule was extremely tight, he readily accepted Nadda’s request for a meeting.
In their discussion, Sajith raised the urgent issue of Sri Lanka’s ongoing shortage of essential medicines and formally requested India’s assistance in resolving the crisis through immediate medical aid and supply support.
Another little-known yet significant detail about Sajith Premadasa’s visit to India concerns the funding of his trip.
Ordinarily, when a Sri Lankan Opposition Leader undertakes an official overseas visit, a portion of the official expenses is covered by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Sri Lanka, while part of the cost is borne by the host country that extends the invitation.
Accordingly, when Sajith arrived in New Delhi, Sri Lanka’s High Commissioner to India, Maheshini Colonne, personally came to the airport to receive him and had made arrangements to provide him with official transport and related facilities.
However, Sajith graciously declined all such offers, informing the High Commissioner that he would not be using any government funds during his visit and that he would bear all expenses personally.
In line with that decision, Sajith did not claim or utilize a single cent from state resources throughout his entire trip to India.
While some political leaders might have publicized such acts widely to gain media attention, Sajith chose not to make any public statement or announcement about it at any point.
Thus, Sajith Premadasa’s visit to India concluded amid a series of such noteworthy and exemplary events.
As a result, political observers now keenly watch to see whether India — a nation long known for its sharp insight into Sri Lankan politics and its ability to read the direction of the island’s political winds — has, by extending this official invitation to the Opposition Leader, sent an early signal to the world of an impending political shift in Sri Lanka.
Pohottuwa Grabs the 21st
Over the past few weeks, we have revealed several insights about the proposed anti-government rally scheduled for November 21, organized by a few political parties. Our previous coverage highlighted the Pohottuwa (SLPP) leadership’s decision to suspend the participation of former presidents, a move intended to prevent former President Ranil Wickremesinghe from attending the rally.
According to reports, Pohottuwa National Organizer Namal Rajapaksa had openly informed the UNP that if, by any chance, Ranil Wickremesinghe decided to participate, he would withdraw from the event. Despite this warning, Wickremesinghe had chosen to ignore it and decided to attend the rally—though without delivering a speech.
Ranil’s apparent plan for the Nugegoda rally was to position himself as the central figure of the entire event. Initially, he sought to draw in SJB leader Sajith Premadasa and his party to gather a massive crowd, thereby projecting himself as the main attraction. However, from the outset, the SJB decided not to participate for political reasons. Realizing Sajith’s and the SJB’s non-participation, Ranil swiftly shifted his focus toward Namal, deceiving him into believing that he should lead the rally and appear as the hero before the Pohottuwa crowd.
This strategy is nothing new for Ranil. Since becoming president through a parliamentary vote backed by Pohottuwa MPs, he has systematically worked to weaken the SLPP and dismantle the Rajapaksa power base. To some extent, he succeeded—offering ministerial portfolios to certain SLPP stalwarts and thereby crippling the party’s internal strength. The extent of the damage was visible in the last election, when Pohottuwa’s voter base dropped to just 3%, with Ranil managing to draw away a portion of its support.
However, today, nearly 95% of those voters have returned to the SLPP. Both Namal and the Rajapaksa family have now realized the harm caused by Ranil, as reflected in Namal’s recent remarks:
“Ranil destroyed our family as well as our party. At the right time, I will show him the power of the Rajapaksas.”
Recognizing Ranil’s intention to attend the November 21 Nugegoda rally, the Pohottuwa General Secretary recently announced at a press briefing that no former presidents would attend the event, though it would be held with their blessings.
To cover up the embarrassment caused by this decision, Ranil’s media network began circulating reports claiming he would be unable to attend the rally due to various other reasons. Rajitha Senaratne, one of his close associates, told the media that Ranil would miss the rally due to ill health.
With his clever political maneuver, Namal has effectively turned the Nugegoda rally into a Pohottuwa-only event.
This development clearly indicates that Ranil’s political strategies are repeatedly failing. Following his recent arrest and the growing unity among opposition forces, he attempted to manipulate and weaken the SJB and its leadership, hoping to turn the situation into a personal triumph. His media allies and a associate Wajira even claimed that by December, Ranil would once again become Prime Minister, while one of his close associates a former Finance Ministry Secretary warned that the country would face another economic collapse.
When all these moves failed, Ranil’s next plan was to cling to Namal and play yet another political game. Realizing his sinister intentions, Namal took the decisive step of keeping him out of the Nugegoda rally.
A Rebellion Against Ranil
However, several individuals who are still within the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) and who obtained fuel station licenses, liquor licenses, and land from Ranil are now attempting to unite Ranil with the SJB. Yet, it appears that even this effort has failed. Moreover, the political games Ranil is currently playing seem to be well understood by a few senior members remaining within the United National Party (UNP). Accordingly, through this edition of the Inside Politics column, we reveal that a serious rebellion is once again brewing within the UNP against Ranil.
Specifically, senior UNP members have decided to take a firm stand against the trio of Ranil, Vajira, and Sagala, who currently hold sway over the party. The first indication of this was the decision by Ruwan Wijewardene, the Deputy Leader of the UNP, to withdraw from all political activities. According to our sources, Ruwan has already informed Ranil of his intention to step down from the deputy leadership and has requested that someone else be appointed to the position. He has also conveyed to the party leadership that he intends to take a break from politics for a while to focus on his family business. Since this announcement, Ruwan has not participated in any party activities.
Ranil made significant efforts throughout the past week to prevent this information from leaking, as it was a major blow against him. He refrained from appointing a replacement for the vacant deputy leadership position, fearing that doing so would expose the internal crisis within the party.
Additionally, another senior UNP member, Navin Dissanayake, has already declared that he will not participate in the rally scheduled for the 21st in Nugegoda. Therefore, today we reveal another special development: several senior UNP members have decided not to attend the Nugegoda rally on the 21st. Rajitha Senaratne, too, stated at a media briefing last week that continuing political collaboration with the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) has both good and bad sides, and that he has already informed the UNP of his stance. As such, Rajitha is also unlikely to participate in the rally on the 21st.
By the 22nd, it is widely believed that even the few remaining individuals loyal to Ranil will distance themselves from him and become front-line members of the next rebellion against him.
The internal rebellion against Ranil within the UNP did not begin yesterday or today—it dates back to 2005. As a result of this, the UNP, which once had nearly 100 MPs, has dwindled under Ranil’s leadership to the point of having none. Therefore, the current rebellion forming within the party is likely to be the final uprising against Ranil. We say this because a powerful proposal is expected to be presented to Ranil in the coming days by the remaining senior members of the party, urging him to step down from the leadership immediately and allow unity between the UNP and the SJB.
It is our belief that this proposal, once presented, will not receive much public attention. However, we can confirm that special discussions on this matter have already begun in several places. With that, we conclude the first phase of the UNP rebellion.
Bimal is still silent
We estimate that Mr. Bimal Ratnayake can be called the only person who has properly understood the reality that the compass had to face a significant setback in the provincial elections.
After the local government elections, Bimal participated in an interview on the ITN channel and made a controversial statement that there should be a change within the government, that the engine of the government should change, and that the responsibilities of the ministers, including himself, should change.
Although all other media did not see anything special in Bimal’s speech, we took steps to give it publicity because we saw something special in it. Accordingly, although many people thought that there would be a change within the government, what ultimately happened a few days later was that another powerful minister in the government, Sunil Handunnetti, attacked Bimal’s statement.
There, Handunnetti said that the ministers were doing their jobs well, that the responsibilities of the ministers should not be changed, and that there would be no cabinet reshuffle. Accordingly, a serious conflict of opinion was clearly brewing within the government through these two statements.
But by now, we can see that the conflict has progressed even more strongly. Although Handunnetti said that there was no cabinet reshuffle, the President suddenly took steps to carry out an emergency cabinet reshuffle in a way that no one expected after a few months. The most special event that was witnessed here was the removal of the powerful Ministry of Ports and Aviation Services under Bimal.
The result was that Bimal disappeared less than a day after the cabinet reshuffle. No one was able to find his whereabouts. At least, Bimal had not participated in any of the discussions of the Urban Development Authority that was newly assigned to him. Bimal’s Facebook, which was updated almost three or four times a day, had suddenly become inactive.
Within a few hours of our reporting on this, Bimal had revealed on his Facebook page that he was in Guangzhou, China. Many people came to know that Bimal had gone to China with that update. After that, Bimal also visited Pakistan and returned to Sri Lanka last week, but until Friday morning, Bimal was not caught on television cameras appearing in public at any time. At least not on Bimal’s Facebook page. No information was revealed about whether Bimal, who was one of the most powerful and active ministers in the government, was going to his ministry or working.
On the other hand, these days, it can be seen that the Compass is facing another serious setback and is continuously losing in the cooperative elections. However, Bimal, as a responsible figure in the party, has not been seen making any statement in this regard. Accordingly, it remains to be seen how Bimal will act as the Leader of the House in the budget presented by the President to Parliament on Friday.
Tilvin is going to India
Amid all these issues, today we are ready to reveal another special fact from the State Secrets. That is regarding Tilvin Silva. As everyone knows, the President took steps to sign many agreements including the construction of a Hambantota refinery, during his visit to China. After the President left, JVP General Secretary Tilvin Silva, who was on a 3-week long visit to China, had also taken steps to take this investment background further. We reported from the State Secrets that Bimal, who went to China after Tilvin, also took these matters further.
Here, we are ready to reveal another special information regarding Tilvin from the State Secrets this time. Tilvin is considered to be the original link in the JVP’s opposition to India. When the Indo-Lanka Accord was signed in 1987, the JVP took to the streets and Tilvin was at the forefront of that opposition.
But the information we have now suggests that Tilvin is planning to visit India in the next few days. Although there is no confirmed information on whether Tilvin is going to India at the invitation of the Indian ruling Bharatiya Janata Party or at the invitation of another party, the information we are receiving suggests that Tilvin’s visit to India has been confirmed by now.
It is not known whether Tilvin is making a sudden visit to India to minimize the intense pressure from the US and India after Tilvin’s visit to China. Accordingly, we will only write here that many events can occur during Tilvin’s visit to India.
Amidst all this, it is learned that the President is currently planning to amend the Port City Act with the aim of attracting more investments to Sri Lanka. It is said that the President has decided to amend the Port City Act in order to facilitate the construction of an international hospital and an international school with all the facilities in the future at Port City.
However, when the President handed over the construction of the Hambantota refinery to the Chinese company Sinopec during his visit to China, there was serious opposition from India and the United States. In particular, we once reported from the State Secret that when the President went to the United States to address the United Nations, there was strong pressure from the United States to cancel this Sinopec agreement.
Based on this, the US State Department had also issued a strong statement while the President was in the United States. Due to this, the construction of the Chinese refinery was delayed. However, by now the government has decided to give them the 40% oil distribution quota requested by the Sinopec company and start this investment as soon as possible.
Despite this, some discussions have already begun within the government regarding handing over another huge project in Hambantota to the US to appease the US opposition. It is also learnt that the government has informed the top management of the respective institutions to prepare a report in this regard. Accordingly, the government has planned to hand over the construction of the Hambantota Port refinery to China and give another project of similar value to the US to balance the US.
In addition, it is reported that the government is planning to pass several more special bills to strengthen the Foreign Investment Protection Act in the future. When the President was on a recent visit to Dubai, many investors pointed out that foreign investors still view Sri Lanka with some suspicion due to the Rajapaksa regime’s efforts to take over Sri Lankan Airlines, which was controlled by Emirates during the Mahinda Rajapaksa regime, overnight. Accordingly, the President has now decided to further strengthen the Foreign Investment Protection Act in the first half of next year and dispel this undue fear among investors.
Tamil Alliance heats up
The Central Committee of the Tamil Arasu Katchi Party met in Vavuniya last Tuesday to discuss the measures to be taken regarding the budget to be presented by the President for the year 2026. 7 out of 8 Tamil Arasu Katchi Party MPs participated in it, and a large number of Central Committee members also joined it.
The most notable incident witnessed here was the accusation by many Central Committee members that the President was ignoring the Tamil Arasu Katchi Party. Serious criticism was made at that time for the President not to have responded to the letter sent to him last July requesting an opportunity to discuss the North and East issue. Also, the fact that at least one year after the President took office, at least no solution had been presented to the North and East ethnic issue, and the failure to hold Provincial Council elections, had led to strong opposition from the group.
Due to this, the group felt that they should vote against the budget this time. However, it was finally decided that since the budget vote will be held on the 14th, a Zoom discussion would be held on the night of the 13th, and a final decision would be taken. But many people had opposed this too, saying that such a thing was not necessary and that they should vote against the budget by opposing the government’s actions.
Meanwhile, a heated exchange of words took place between Rasamanikkam and Sridharan at the Central Committee meeting. This was based on the appointments made through the Constituent Assembly to the Office of Compensation for Missing Persons. Former army officers had been appointed to it, and Rasamanikkam’s position was that Sridharan, who represents the Constituent Assembly on behalf of the Tamil Arasu Katchi Party, had made false statements to the Central Committee of the party.
But when Sridharan raised his voice against it, Rasamanikkam also said that there was nothing to shout about and that Sridharan had misled the party’s central committee. Later, the conflict of opinion between the two was resolved with the intervention of the party chairman. However, in the end, the Tamil Arasu Katchi Party had also taken steps to send a letter to the President expressing its opposition to the appointment of former army officers to the Commission for Compensation for the Missing.
Saman and Putin
Last week, a distinguished Sri Lankan representative visited the Kremlin in Moscow, Russia, to receive a special award from Russian President Vladimir Putin. Putin presented the Sri Lankan with not just any award, but the ‘Russian State Order of Friendship’, the highest honor bestowed on a civilian by Russia. The Sri Lankan who received the award from Putin was none other than Dr. Saman Weerasinghe, a medical luminary. He served as Sri Lanka’s ambassador to Russia for a time and has contributed to strengthening diplomatic, cultural and economic relations between Sri Lanka and Russia for decades. Accordingly, Dr. Saman became the only Asian to receive the award this year.
Another special event that was witnessed at the awards ceremony was that Putin had reserved the seat next to him for Saman. Saman, who received the award from Putin, also made a speech in Russian for about three minutes. Saman also received special praise from Putin for delivering the speech in Russian.
Dr. Saman Weerasinghe, an honorary graduate of Moscow Medical School, served as the Sri Lankan Ambassador to the Russian Federation (2015 – 2018) and currently holds the positions of Secretary General of the Sri Lanka-Russia Friendship Association and President of the Russian Geographical Society in Colombo. His leadership has been instrumental in fostering cultural exchange, cooperation and lasting mutual friendship between the two countries.
