SJB Refuses to Budge on Easter Attacks Position Despite Political Shifts
SLPP Descends into Directionless Confusion Amid Internal Drift
Anura Yapa’s Political Flip-Flops Continue, Deepening Credibility Questions
Those Shaken by Saleh
Despite the country’s many serious economic and social challenges, the dominant topic in political circles last week was the hunger strike launched by former State Intelligence Service chief Suresh Saleh, who was arrested in connection with investigations into the Easter Sunday attacks.
One of Saleh’s principal demands was the removal of Criminal Investigation Department (CID) Director Shani Abeysekara from the Easter Sunday attack investigations being conducted against him. As his health deteriorated due to his refusal to eat, authorities moved him to the National Hospital in Colombo. However, he continued his hunger strike there, causing his condition to worsen further.
Wimal’s Sathyagraha
Adding fuel to the fire, a group led by Wimal Weerawansa and Udaya Gammanpila launched a satyagraha campaign in support of Saleh in front of the Fort Railway Station. Although former MPs, including Weerawansa and Gammanpila appeared to be leading the protest, the person playing a major role behind the scenes was Sarvajana Balaya leader Dilith Jayaweera.
Using his media network, Dilith gave the campaign extensive publicity. This was largely due to his close relationship with both Saleh and former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa. Information that emerged during the questioning of Saleh has already led the CID to obtain a foreign travel ban against Gotabaya Rajapaksa, while some sources claim preparations are underway to arrest him in the near future.
Opposition absent
Although several opposition leaders, including Weerawansa, participated in the protest, there was considerable discussion over the fact that most opposition party leaders represented in Parliament stayed away. Some questioned why the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) neither joined the campaign nor commented on it.
The SJB’s silence was not accidental. Since the Easter attacks occurred, the party has consistently maintained that all those involved in the attacks, including the masterminds behind them, must be identified through an independent and transparent investigation and punished through due legal process.
Following the attacks, SJB leader Sajith Premadasa, along with then-SJB MPs Harin Fernando, Manusha Nanayakkara, and Mujibur Rahman, repeatedly articulated this position during parliamentary debates. They consistently argued that everyone connected to the attacks, regardless of status or position, should be brought before the law.
SJB remain firm
For that reason, the SJB decided from the outset not to associate itself with the political campaign launched by Weerawansa and Gammanpila on behalf of Saleh.
The issue was discussed again during the SJB Management Committee meeting last week. Some SJB MPs questioned why the party was not supporting Saleh. Sajith Premadasa responded firmly, emphasising that the SJB had maintained a consistent position on the Easter attacks from the beginning and that this stance could not be altered regardless of developments. He stressed that the party must continue to uphold that position.
Rajapakse’s absence
Meanwhile, questions also arose because no member of the Rajapaksa family, despite their perceived closeness to Saleh, attended the satyagraha during its first day. Following revelations published by our news website, Namal Rajapaksa appeared at the protest on the second day after coming from Parliament. Before that, no senior representative of the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) had joined the campaign. The only SLPP representative present on the first day was former Kalutara MP Sanjeewa Edirimanne.
Another notable development occurred on the third day of the protest. At a media briefing, Gammanpila claimed that intelligence agencies had reported plans to attack the satyagraha campaign and suggested that elements within the government might be involved.
Medical Panel
However, on the same day, a court ordered Saleh to be examined by a panel of five judicial medical experts. Following that order, Weerawansa, Gammanpila and their supporters dismantled the structures and banners at the protest site and ended the campaign.
Interestingly, exactly as Gammanpila had warned, a group of Easter Sunday attack victims from Katuwapitiya arrived at the protest site the following day and staged a demonstration demanding justice. If the protest still been underway, a major confrontation might have occurred. The more significant question, however, is how intelligence agencies appeared to have informed Weerawansa’s group in advance that such an incident was likely.
A Secret Letter Leaked
While these events surrounding Saleh were unfolding, another controversial development related to the Easter Sunday attacks emerged last week.
A letter issued by the United States shortly after the Easter attacks was made public through the media. The disclosure was made by none other than Ali Sabry, who served as Justice Minister in Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s government.
In an interview with social media outlets, Sabry revealed the existence of the letter, stating that it had been issued by the FBI regarding the Easter Sunday attacks.
The FBI was the first foreign investigative agency to arrive in Sri Lanka following the attacks. This was partly because several American citizens had been killed and because the United States itself was facing significant threats from ISIS at the time.
As a result, FBI investigators were able to obtain evidence and information that local investigators had not accessed. Some critics later alleged that certain individuals had even provided information and evidence to the FBI that should have been directed to Sri Lankan investigators.
FBI report
After completing its work in Sri Lanka, the FBI submitted a report to U.S. authorities.
At the time, Sri Lanka’s Ambassador to the United States was Mahinda Samarasinghe. Acting on instructions from then Foreign Minister Ali Sabry, Samarasinghe requested a copy of the FBI report from U.S. authorities.
The Americans subsequently sent a highly confidential communication to Samarasinghe. The document recently released by Ali Sabry was reportedly this confidential correspondence.
The disclosure of such a confidential document by a former Foreign Minister raises serious questions about propriety and ethics. Nevertheless, since Sabry himself made the document public, this column proceeded to discuss its contents.
US rejects
According to the letter, the U.S. government officially rejected calls for a new or additional independent investigation into the 2019 Easter Sunday bombings.
Responding to a request from the Sri Lankan government, Christopher A. Landberg of the U.S. State Department informed Ambassador Mahinda Samarasinghe that the United States saw no need for another investigation because it had already provided extensive assistance for both the investigative and legal processes following the attacks.
The letter notes that within a week of the bombings, 33 FBI officers arrived in Sri Lanka and worked closely with the CID, gathering evidence, analysing digital devices and conducting a wide-ranging investigation.
Criminal Charges
As a result of those investigations, the U.S. Department of Justice filed criminal charges in January 2021 against three suspects accused of responsibility for the deaths of 269 people, including five American citizens.
The United States has also provided continuous training and legal assistance over several years to Sri Lankan prosecutors handling terrorism-related cases.
However, the letter further states that the United States remains willing to consider any future requests for assistance from Sri Lanka’s Attorney General and remains committed to ensuring that those responsible for the Easter Sunday attacks are brought to justice.
Difficult Decision
While controversy surrounding the Easter Sunday attacks continued to dominate headlines, the government found itself confronting another major issue last week—the proposal to extend the retirement age of the Chief Justice and Supreme Court judges by two years.
The first organisation to publicly oppose the proposal after it was reported in the media was the Sri Lanka Bar Association, which represents the country’s legal profession. Its objection was followed by statements from the High Court Lawyers’ Association and the Fort Magistrate’s Court Lawyers’ Association, both of which also opposed the move.
SJB too opposed
Beyond the legal community, the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) swiftly issued an official statement condemning the government’s attempt. According to previous reports by this column, Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa had appointed a special committee headed by Sujeewa Senasinghe, Dayasiri Jayasekara and Faizer Mustapha to inform the public about the issue.
Sources indicate that the SJB is now discussing the possibility of launching a major campaign against the proposal, together with several lawyers’ associations.
President meets lawyers
Meanwhile, President Anura Kumara Dissanayake reportedly discussed the matter during a meeting with a group of lawyers last week.
According to information received by this column, the lawyers strongly opposed the proposal, and the discussion became heated at times due to disagreements. They repeatedly argued that extending the retirement age of the Chief Justice and Supreme Court judges would set a dangerous precedent and undermine democratic principles.
The President, however, reportedly told the lawyers that his intention was not to gain political advantage. Rather, he argued that the extension was necessary to ensure that several highly sensitive judicial proceedings currently underway could continue uninterrupted.
Risk of disruption
He reportedly pointed out that if the Chief Justice and certain Supreme Court judges handling sensitive corruption and misconduct cases were to retire while the hearings are ongoing, there was a risk that those cases could be disrupted or delayed.
Nevertheless, the lawyers remained unconvinced. They continued to insist that extending the retirement age of Supreme Court judges was unacceptable. As opposition intensified, the President reportedly ended the discussion by saying:
“All right, then let’s examine this matter further.”
Cabinet briefing
A few hours after that meeting concluded, Cabinet spokesman Nalinda Jayatissa stated during the weekly Cabinet media briefing that the government had not reached any decision on extending the retirement age of Supreme Court judges. Later, Justice Minister Harshana Nanayakkara made a similar statement in Parliament.
Despite these public assurances, this column reliably understood —with what it describes as complete confidence—that President Dissanayake has already decided to extend the retirement age of the Chief Justice and Supreme Court judges by two years and that this decision remains unchanged.
Vacancies in the Supreme Court
Another issue raised last week was the existence of eight vacancies in the Supreme Court that have remained unfilled for several months. Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa highlighted the matter in Parliament.
Following this, opposition party leaders met under Sajith’s chairmanship to discuss the issue. Although Sajith had to leave early for another official engagement, the remaining leaders continued their deliberations.
They ultimately decided to request the Constitutional Council to write to the President expressing concern about the continued failure to fill the eight vacancies. A draft letter was reportedly prepared immediately.
Letter to the Constitutional Council
Sources also indicate that opposition parties agreed to jointly oppose any move to extend the retirement age of Supreme Court judges. As a result, opposition political parties and lawyers’ organisations are expected to coordinate a major campaign against the proposal in the coming weeks.
Jay Shah is Coming…
Over the past two weeks, this column reported extensively on President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s decision to dissolve Sri Lanka Cricket and appoint an interim committee headed by Iran Wickramaratne.
It also revealed details of discussions between the President and representatives of the International Cricket Council (ICC), including reports that some meetings had become tense.
According to those reports, ICC officials insisted that fresh elections be held within three months and indicated that a formal statement on the matter would soon be issued.
Official letter
As predicted, the ICC sent an official letter to the President last week.
According to information available to the column, the letter again stressed the need for an immediate election.
Should the government continue operating the interim committee in defiance of the ICC’s position, Sri Lanka risks once again facing suspension from international cricket.
Although the interim committee headed by Eran Wickramaratne was originally expected to remain in office for a year, its lifespan may now be limited to only three months.
Sources also indicate that ICC Chairman Jay Shah is expected to visit Sri Lanka in the near future to discuss the issue directly.
His visit is expected to be a decisive moment for the future of Sri Lankan cricket.
Auspicious Time
Last Thursday, the United National Party held a Working Committee meeting at ‘Sirikotha’ under the leadership of party leader Ranil Wickremesinghe, marking his first major appearance in several months.
After the meeting, former UNP ministers enthusiastically declared that Ranil had effectively become “ten years younger” following his recent heart surgery and was now fit enough to seek the presidency again.
However, according to information obtained by this column, the reality is rather different.
After undergoing bypass surgery at Mount Elizabeth Hospital in Singapore, Ranil reportedly spent several weeks recovering in hospital before moving to a hotel for further rest.
Subsequently, an infection reportedly developed, forcing him to be hospitalised again.
Second Medical procedure
Singaporean doctors then performed another procedure and strongly advised him to adopt a cautious lifestyle going forward. They reportedly warned him to be careful about his diet and, unofficially, advised him not to immerse himself too deeply in active politics given his age.
At 77 years old, doctors reportedly cautioned that recovery from any future illness or medical complication could take considerably longer.
Although Ranil returned to Sri Lanka, he has largely remained out of public view for the past month. Apart from making occasional phone calls or holding limited meetings at his residence, he avoided public engagements. He is also reportedly still unable to eat heavy meals or rice and now relies mainly on vegetables, fruits and soups.
A disciplined lifestyle
The quality and longevity of his future life will largely depend on maintaining this disciplined lifestyle.
Yet despite these realities, a coordinated social-media campaign was launched after the UNP meeting, portraying Ranil as fully recovered and ready to return to national leadership.
The Inside Politics column learns that Ranil is scheduled to travel to Singapore again next month for additional medical evaluations, after which doctors will determine what activities he should and should not undertake in the future.
This information had previously been withheld for ethical reasons by this column but is now being disclosed to avoid the public being misled regarding his health.
Ranil’s Astrology
Inside Politics column make another striking claim.
Ranil Wickremesinghe’s re-emergence into public life last Thursday was not merely a casual decision but one made in accordance with astrological advice.
Following both his defeat in the presidential election and his heart surgery, his personal astrologer had reportedly informed him that his political fortunes could improve after Jupiter entered Cancer in July this year.
Consequently, his first public appearance last Thursday was allegedly timed according to this astrological guidance.
Three days earlier, Ranil had also visited his office on Flower Road for the first time, spending about fifteen minutes there, again in accordance with an astrologically determined auspicious time.
Meanwhile, before the UNP Working Committee meeting began, party leaders reportedly imposed strict rules on attendees. The first rule required all participants to wear face masks. Members were also instructed not to approach Ranil closely and to maintain as much physical distance from him as possible.
As a result, no UNP representative was seen engaging in close conversation with him throughout the meeting.
Comedy
Inside Politics learns some comical attempts by some UNP leaders towards this end. One example comment made by former minister Rajitha Senaratne.
At one stage in the past, Rajitha had publicly stated that Ranil would never return to Parliament. Following criticism, he later revised his position and suggested that Ranil could indeed return to Parliament.
However, after last week’s Working Committee meeting, Rajitha went further, claiming that Ranil was now capable of contesting another presidential election.
Similarly, Harin Fernando told reporters that Ranil had become “ten years younger,” that he had regained strength, and that he was once again capable of leading the country.
Lead the country
By the time the next presidential election is held in 2029, Ranil Wickremesinghe will be over 80 years old.
Inside politics note that he has contested three presidential elections and failed to win any of them.
His first presidential bid came in 1999 against Chandrika Kumaratunga, and lost the election.
His second attempt was in 2005 against Mahinda Rajapaksa, and defeated by him as well.
On both occasions, Ranil contested as the opposition leader.
His third attempt came while he was serving as President. However, he suffered a heavy defeat to Anura Kumara Dissanayake, finishing third—a result historically unprecedented for an incumbent president.
Inside Politics notes if Ranil contests again in 2029, he would do so neither as President nor as Opposition Leader, and not even as a local council member, but only as an over 80-year-old.
It is noticeable that UNP is preparing to stage what is described as a political drama built around that reality.
Why UNP pursuing such a strategy?
It answers that a small group around Ranil—including Ranil himself, Sagala Ratnayaka and Vajira Abeywardena—are seeking to disrupt any future reconciliation or alliance between the UNP and the SJB.
The ‘Inside Politics’ column also notes that some senior SJB figures fail to recognise Ranil’s political manoeuvring and are unable to effectively promote their own party leadership.
Who Is Misleading Namal?
Although many observers believe that Namal Rajapaksa has matured politically since becoming the SLPP’s National Organizer, two incidents over the past fortnight suggest otherwise.
Inside Politics learns that Namal has been persuaded into believing that senior members of the SJB can be persuaded to defect to join SLPP. However, these efforts have repeatedly backfired and embarrassed both Namal and the SLPP.
The first incident occurred about two weeks ago.
At an SLPP meeting in Panadura, party organizers introduced an individual on stage as a former SJB candidate who had supposedly received 27,000 votes at the parliamentary election. However, it later appeared that the individual had actually contested a local government election alongside his mother and secured only 23 votes.
The revelation caused embarrassment, prompting both the individual concerned and SLPP officials to publicly apologize. This episode damaged the party politically.
Despite that setback, the SLPP allegedly staged another similar event last week.
On this occasion, a young man was introduced as the SJB organiser for the Balangoda electorate and was ceremonially awarded an organiser’s position by Namal Rajapaksa himself at the SLPP headquarters.
However, SJB General Secretary Ranjith Madduma Bandara later held a press conference stating that the individual had never been the SJB organiser for Balangoda.
He further claimed that the person had been expelled from the party after disciplinary action, and he had even failed to properly prepare nomination lists for local government elections. Madduma Bandara stated that he had personally travelled to Ratnapura to reorganise the nominations after the individual’s failures.
SLPP lost its direction
These incidents demonstrate that the SLPP has misunderstood its current political challenge. Rather than trying to attract supporters from the SJB, the party should focus on recovering the large portion of its former voter base that migrated to the National People’s Power (NPP).
Inside Politics notes that the NPP rose from around 3 per cent support to government power by attracting a substantial segment of the SLPP’s former voters, reducing the SLPP’s support dramatically.
The founder leader of SLPP, Basil, never engaged in such easily exposed political tactics. Instead, he built the SLPP into a winning political machine within three years through a carefully calculated political strategy.
With Basil now largely absent from active politics, the party appears increasingly reliant on what it describes as “small-time political games”.
Oh, Anura Yapa…
Meanwhile, a photograph widely circulated in the media last week caused considerable discussion not only within the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) but also within the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP).
The image showed Anura Priyadarshana Yapa together with Namal Rajapaksa.
Anura Yapa originally entered politics through the Sri Lanka Freedom Party. He later joined the SLPP before eventually returning to the SLFP.
Subsequently, he was also associated with a political initiative involving Ranil Wickremesinghe, as well as political figures such as Milinda Moragoda and Nimal Lanza.
Subsequently, however, he moved away from that effort and once again aligned himself with the SLFP.
Because of this history of shifting political affiliations, many observers were surprised when photographs emerged showing Anura Yapa participating in a meeting alongside Namal Rajapaksa and SLPP representatives with the departing Indian Deputy High Commissioner.
The photograph gave the impression that Anura Yapa had once again moved closer to the SLPP. Whether Namal Rajapaksa successfully recruited him back into the party or whether Anura Yapa simply chose on his own to return to familiar political territory, known only to God.
Nevertheless, the publication of the photograph appears to have caused surprise within the SLFP, where many now believe that Anura Yapa may once again have crossed over to the SLPP without informing his colleagues.
