Yusoof’s Resignation Deals Political Blow to President and Government
Old School Ties, New Power Networks
Cracks Begin to Show Between the President and Pelawatta
Move Against the Governor?
It is now an undeniable reality, openly acknowledged by many, that for the first time under the Malima government, the country is facing a certain degree of economic crisis. At the same time, there are growing signs that this economic strain is gradually pushing the government toward a political crisis as well.
From 1994 onward, Sri Lanka’s political trajectory initially reflected a degree of institutional stability, with successive governments completing two full terms—amounting to a decade in office—without major disruption. Chandrika Kumaratunga, elected in 1994, remained in power until 2005, while Mahinda Rajapaksa, elected in 2005, similarly governed until 2015. These administrations exemplified a period in which the executive could sustain authority across the constitutionally prescribed cycle.
Instability
Beginning in 2015, this pattern of continuity gave way to pronounced instability. President Maithripala Sirisena’s tenure lasted only about four years, and he declined to contest a second term. Gotabaya Rajapaksa, elected in 2019, was compelled to resign after only three years, leaving the country amid mass protests and political upheaval. His successor, Ranil Wickremesinghe, who completed the remainder of Rajapaksa’s term, was subsequently rejected at the next presidential election.
Following these three unstable administrations, the Malima alliance formed both a president and a government with an overwhelming two-thirds mandate – a first in the country’s history. Yet, only a year and a half later, the current government led by Anura Kumara Dissanayake appears to be facing serious political and economic challenges of its own.
Controversy
Usually, the first visible signs of a political crisis within a government emerge when individuals in the administration, along with moderate voices, begin to distance themselves from it. A controversial incident of that nature unfolded last week when the Governor of the Western Province, Hanif Yusoof, reportedly informed the President through a letter that he was preparing to resign from his post. Around the same time, Hanif Yusoof also made a public statement to the media.
Those familiar with politics know well that Hanif Yusoof is considered one of the President’s closest associates. A prominent businessman, Yusoof had maintained a very close relationship with Anura Kumara Dissanayake even before the last presidential election. He was also known to have played an active role behind the scenes in various political operations. However, according to information available to us, the question of whether Hanif Yusoof should continue as governor did not arise overnight. In fact, it had reportedly existed for nearly a year. Media reports published last August had already suggested that Yusoof was considering stepping down from the governorship.
Displeasure
Subsequent enquiries revealed that Yusoof had become displeased over allegations that informants connected to Pelawatte had been placed around him. These individuals were reportedly interfering in almost every aspect of his work, even influencing decision-making processes. Yusoof was said to have found this situation intolerable. As a result, he met the President directly and explained the circumstances, stating that he could no longer continue working under such conditions and was therefore prepared to resign.
At that time, however, the President reportedly urged him not to act hastily, explaining that Yusoof’s resignation at such a moment would also negatively affect him politically. Respecting the President’s request, Hanif Yusoof agreed to remain in office.
Media statement
This time, however, Yusoof directly released a media statement announcing his resignation, while also stating that he remained willing to continue serving as the President’s adviser on foreign investment. Nevertheless, several interpretations of the matter are now circulating within political circles. One narrative suggests that intense pressure from the so-called Pelawatte informants pushed Yusoof to once again decide to abandon the governorship. Another theory argues that, as a seasoned businessman, Yusoof may have foreseen a severe economic crisis approaching and therefore decided to step down in advance.
Supporters of this view claim that experienced businessmen are usually able to sense the direction of the ship and the strength of the winds long before disaster strikes — and therefore choose to jump before the ship sinks. However, information reaching us suggests that the real controversy may have arisen from the wording of the media statement announcing Yusoof’s departure. Since Hanif Yusoof is Muslim, he generally conducts official affairs in English, and he is also said to have some difficulty reading Sinhala fluently. Accordingly, his original resignation statement had first been drafted in English.
Language disparity
Sources indicate that the Sinhala version released to the media contained wording that differed significantly from the original English draft. There is now discussion within the Governor’s Office that certain phrases in the letter may have been deliberately altered by another group involved in translating the document into Sinhala. Some within the office have even described it as a political conspiracy.
The reason for this suspicion is that Yusoof had reportedly used careful diplomatic language in English to state merely that he was prepared to step away from the governorship temporarily while continuing to serve as an economic adviser to the President. Yet the Sinhala version directly used the phrase “to resign”, which appears to have fuelled the controversy. Because Yusoof is unable to properly read Sinhala, it is also said that he signed the document without fully realizing the implications of the wording.
Translation blunder?
As a result, discussions are now taking place within the Governor’s Office over whether the phrase “to resign” was intentionally inserted by individuals from Pelawatte who were aware of Yusoof’s weakness in handling Sinhala, or whether some other group was responsible.
Whatever the truth may be, it is now evident that Hanif Yusoof’s resignation has caused a degree of negative political impact on both the President and the government.
Mahinda Leave?
Now we are about to reveal another controversial decision that is expected to unfold in the coming days — one involving a figure even more influential and significant than Hanif Yusoof. That individual is Sri Lanka’s Ambassador to the United States, Mahinda Samarasinghe.
Mahinda Samarasinghe is widely regarded, across both government and opposition circles, as a figure any administration would desperately need during periods of economic and political difficulty — someone capable of exerting strong diplomatic influence during times of crisis. According to reliable information available to us, we can state with great responsibility that Mahinda too is preparing to announce his resignation from his current positions in the near future.
Major role behind the scene
Mahinda has reportedly played a major behind-the-scenes role in helping Sri Lanka navigate serious international economic and political challenges directed at the government. As a result, he earned recognition across party lines as a highly capable and experienced administrator.
However, according to information now emerging, Mahinda has decided to step away from the responsibilities entrusted to him by the current government and continue as an independent figure. Many believe that once this decision becomes public, it will send a far more serious message to the government than the resignation of Hanif Yusoof. Whether the government fully understands the weight of this development at this moment, however, remains unclear.
Before the official term
Our information clearly indicates that Mahinda has decided to leave his position within a very short period of time — even before the completion of his official term.
For those with an understanding of economics, business, and international affairs, Mahinda’s departure is likely to be felt deeply. Since the current government came to power, both government and opposition figures have viewed him as someone who served the country in a non-partisan capacity. It is also widely accepted that any government would benefit greatly from the experience, skill, and diplomatic ability of a person like him.
Nevertheless, according to the information available to us, after resigning from his position Mahinda plans to return to Sri Lanka and spend some time away from politics, living a quiet and independent life. However, we believe it is unlikely that he will be allowed to remain outside politics for very long, whether through private employment or a peaceful retirement.
Rumours
Rumours regarding his preparations to step down are already spreading through political circles, and we can state with responsibility that several powerful political parties are preparing to invite him back into active politics once again.
For now, all that can be said is that Mahinda Samarasinghe’s departure is unlikely to resemble the exit of Governor Hanif Yusoof. Instead, it could open the door to a series of deeper political challenges and crises for the government.
Kumarasinghe on the Fence?
Over the past two weeks, one of the key revelations made through the Inside Politics column was that Mr Kumarasinghe had been appointed as a special parliamentary coordinating secretary in an effort to bridge the growing distance between the President and Parliament. Following this appointment, the President reportedly attended Parliament for three consecutive days, meeting Malima MPs district by district, holding discussions with them, and listening to their grievances.
Last week, we also reported that behind the creation of this parliamentary coordination role stood Prabath Chandrakeerthi, the President’s Chief of Staff, who is currently being spoken of as an increasingly powerful figure within the Presidential Secretariat.
Alumni appointments
Prabath Chandrakeerthi was born in the Bandarawela area and later moved to Colombo for university education before entering the administrative service. It is also said that Kumarasinghe, who was appointed as the President’s parliamentary coordinating officer, is from Bandarawela and from Chandrakeerthi’s own village. Because of this, there is now growing talk within the Presidential Secretariat that a period similar to the era of former Presidential Secretary Balapatabendi has returned once again.
During Balapatabendi’s tenure, many appointments reportedly went to fellow alumni of Matara Rahula College, as he himself was a former student there. In a similar fashion, discussions within the Presidential Office now suggest that since Prabath Chandrakeerthi became Chief of Staff, there has been a noticeable preference toward Bandarawela connections.
Request to step down
Meanwhile, only days after the inside politics column revealed that Kumarasinghe’s appointment had come through Chandrakeerthi’s intervention, social media began circulating intense speculation claiming that Presidential Secretary Nandika Sanath Kumanayake had been informed to step down from his position. Reports further claimed that the vacant post would then be handed over to Prabath Chandrakeerthi himself.
Will Nandika resign?
President Anura Kumara Dissanayake had originally appointed his university contemporary, Nandika Sanath Kumanayake, as Presidential Secretary with the intention of improving the efficiency of the Presidential Secretariat. Nandika, who had maintained a close friendship with the President since university days, previously held a senior position in Sri Lanka Customs before assuming the role.
Although there were criticisms regarding certain administrative shortcomings, Nandika Sanath Kumanayake is still regarded within the Presidential Secretariat as an exceptionally clean and respectable individual who has never been associated with corruption.
Chandrakeerthi Executes
However, since Prabath Chandrakeerthi became Chief of Staff, reports suggest that his long-recognized administrative skill and efficiency have enabled him to streamline many operations within the Presidential Secretariat in a remarkably short period of time. In fact, it is said that even when appointing secretaries to state institutions, the President frequently consulted Chandrakeerthi before making decisions.
Accordingly, social media reports last week claimed that President Dissanayake was preparing to remove Nandika Sanath Kumanayake from the post of Presidential Secretary and appoint him instead to a diplomatic position, while selecting Prabath Chandrakeerthi as his replacement. Following the spread of these reports, a strong wave of criticism and attacks against Chandrakeerthi began surfacing across social media platforms.
Experienced
Prabath Chandrakeerthi himself is a highly experienced public official who has served under various governments over many years. Although he worked closely with different administrations and ministers in the past, he is also known to have maintained longstanding ties with both Anura Kumara Dissanayake and the Pelawatte leadership.
At the same time, when observing reports published in sections of the media and the discussions now openly taking place in political circles, it appears increasingly clear that a certain degree of disagreement has emerged between the President and the Pelawatte leadership. There seems to be a growing lack of consensus between the two sides on several matters.
Because of this, many had long felt the need for someone capable of maintaining coordination between the President and Pelawatte — in other words, a figure capable of balancing both sides. Though considered honest and capable, it is said that Nandika Sanath Kumanayake had been unable to effectively perform this balancing role. Social media reports therefore, suggested that the move to appoint Prabath Chandrakeerthi as Presidential Secretary was intended to position him as a mediator capable of narrowing the gap between Anura and Pelawatte.
New Municipal Commissioner?
According to information received by the inside politics column, Chandrakeerthi has already been actively influencing appointments and removals to several powerful state positions from within the Presidential Secretariat. One recent example is the post of Commissioner of the Colombo Municipal Council.
A few days ago, after the Commissioner’s post became vacant, Colombo Mayor Balthazar reportedly moved to appoint an engineer from within the Municipal Council — rather than someone from the administrative service — as acting commissioner.
Chandrakeerthi strongly opposed the move, insisting that the position belonged to the administrative service and therefore should only be filled by a qualified administrative officer. As a result, the government is now reportedly planning to appoint a senior administrative official to the post instead of the individual initially selected by the Mayor.
This week, the inside politics column reported on the Governor’s resignation, Mahinda Samarasinghe’s reported preparations to resign, and rumours of changes within the Presidential Secretary’s office because these matters are now generating intense discussion within political circles. However, it must also be said that these developments may or may not ultimately materialize.
Nevertheless, these matters are being reported because it is important to document the changes taking place within the government and because the public has a right to remain informed about them.
Despite the rumours currently circulating about Kumanayake, another highly reliable source has informed us that the President has still not made any final decision regarding him. Although certain administrative difficulties may exist, these sources insist that the President has by no means reached a position where he intends to remove his secretary.
Will Nandalal Also Jump Ship?
In addition to these three figures, there is now growing speculation within political circles surrounding yet another individual holding one of the government’s most powerful positions.
At present, the government’s biggest economic challenge is the rapid daily rise of the US dollar. The responsibility for controlling the dollar largely falls on the Central Bank. Meanwhile, following the disappearance of US$2.5 million from the Treasury, many began to believe that such a fraudulent incident had become possible because the Central Bank had failed to properly carry out its responsibilities. Yet despite widespread public questioning, no clear explanation came from the Central Bank.
On leave
More notably, Central Bank Governor Nandalal Weerasinghe not only avoided speaking publicly on the matter, but was also absent from public view altogether. Our inquiries revealed that during this period Nandalal had been overseas. Reports indicate that he had taken a 14-day leave and travelled to Australia.
However, after returning to Sri Lanka, Nandalal held a special media briefing and addressed the controversy surrounding the missing Treasury funds. His response was that the Treasury was no longer under the authority of the Central Bank. He explained that although the Treasury had previously operated under the Central Bank for many years, after the current government came to power it had been removed from Central Bank supervision and placed under the Ministry of Finance instead.
In effect, without saying it directly, Nandalal appeared to suggest that responsibility for the missing US$2.5 million should now fall on officials of the Finance Ministry. Even his body language during the statement seemed to indicate that he was intentionally shifting the blame onto the ministry.
Appeared in COPF
Meanwhile, both the dollar crisis and the disappearance of Treasury funds became major topics of discussion last week at Parliament’s Committee on Public Finance. Although the committee is chaired by Harsha de Silva, he was on an official visit to the United States at the time, leaving Rauff Hakeem to serve as acting chairman.
Following a request by former Finance Minister Ravi Karunanayake — who is also a member of the committee — Hakeem summoned Central Bank Governor Nandalal Weerasinghe before the committee last week. During those proceedings, another statement made by Nandalal triggered significant public controversy.
Instability
He reportedly warned that if the economic crisis worsened in the future, the country could face a situation of uncertainty and instability. After the remarks received widespread media attention, Nandalal called a special press conference and claimed that certain media outlets had misinterpreted his comments. However, notably, he did not firmly deny having made such statements.
From all this, what appears evident to us is that the Central Bank Governor may be preparing for some kind of decisive move in the near future.
Throughout recent months, there has been little indication of a close relationship between the Central Bank Governor and the Ministry of Finance, the government, or even the Pelawatte leadership. Because of this, there is growing speculation that Nandalal too may be preparing to resign from his post and suddenly move to a powerful position abroad.
According to information reaching the inside politics column, once Mahinda Samarasinghe officially steps down from his own position — as previously reported — there is a strong possibility that Nandalal may also leave the post of Central Bank Governor.
Should that happen, the government may find itself confronting not only an economic and political crisis, but also a serious administrative crisis as well.
Ranil’s Game Against Namal
Last week, through the Inside politics column, we made a significant revelation: UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe had reportedly invited a young opposition politician to his residence and urged him to begin attacking Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa. He had also allegedly encouraged him to participate in the series of conferences launched under the banner of the “Joint Opposition,” beginning with the Matara Sanasa Hall meeting.
We further revealed at the time that the young politician had responded by first suggesting that the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) and the UNP should work together, and only afterward consider attending Joint Opposition events. While reporting the story last week, we deliberately withheld the identity of the young politician to preserve a degree of intrigue.
This time, however, we are prepared to reveal his name. It was Namal Rajapaksa. Ranil, while publicly advocating unity between the SJB and the UNP, behind the scenes, he appears to have secretly attempted to use Namal to politically attack Sajith Premadasa. This, many believe, demonstrates how far Ranil has descended politically.
Create division
At the same time, while encouraging attacks on Sajith, there are also indications that Ranil has been attempting — through groups loyal to him — to create divisions between Sajith Premadasa and Harsha de Silva behind the scenes.
Until our revelation last week, no one had known that a meeting between Ranil and Namal had even taken place, let alone that such a request had been made. Ranil may have believed that because the country still viewed him as a master political strategist, Namal too would fall into his political trap.
But it now appears that Ranil’s old political tactics have become outdated, largely because politicians like Namal are well aware of these strategies. According to discussions Namal reportedly had with his close associates regarding Ranil’s proposal, he is said to have remarked:
“Ranil wanted to use me to attack Sajith and finish Sajith’s political career. If he thinks he can use me for his political games, we are not ready for that. We remember very well what he did to our family and our party after we made him President. Right now, I’m only using him for my own work. Let’s see what happens next.”
Sajith unshaken
As Namal himself reportedly suggested, Ranil’s political games no longer carry the same force they once did. Even during the two years Ranil served as President, despite all the political manoeuvring and traps he allegedly attempted, he failed to even shake Sajith politically. In that context, many now question what Ranil, operating from outside government, can realistically achieve.
Interestingly, our revelation appeared to gain credibility within 24 hours when Lankadeepa, a newspaper linked to Ranil’s family, carried what many viewed as a completely false report published by Ranil-aligned media figures. The report claimed that the SJB parliamentary group had decided not to communicate with Sajith Premadasa. However, by the time Lankadeepa carried that story, the Mawrata newspaper had already exposed Ranil’s proposal to Namal to attack Sajith, leaving the alleged misinformation with little public impact.
In active politics
Similarly, pro-UNP YouTube commentators had reportedly also been instructed to attack Sajith, but after details of the Ranil–Namal meeting surfaced, those efforts appeared to collapse instantly.
Meanwhile, after spending several weeks recovering from heart surgery in Singapore, Ranil is reportedly preparing to return to Sirikotha, the UNP headquarters, from next week onward. This suggests that he is now preparing to actively re-enter political operations once again.
WhatsApp Conversation
At the same time, another important development relating to Ranil became known to senior figures within the SLPP last week. Reports emerged that while Ranil was privately encouraging Namal to attack Sajith, there was also a parallel effort underway to politically trap Namal into publicly aligning with Joint Opposition events.
As we revealed last week, although the Joint Opposition initially planned to hold a major rally in Matara, poor public response eventually forced organizers to scale it down into a conference held at the Sanasa Hall. Even then, only around 600 people reportedly attended.
Second Meeting
Following the disappointing first event, discussions were held on how to revive momentum. It was decided that the second meeting would be held in Negombo organized by Nimal Lanza, while the third would take place in Minuwangoda under Prasanna Ranatunga.
Nimal Lanza is generally known as someone willing to spend heavily on food, drink, and logistics in order to bring crowds to events. During internal discussions, many participants reportedly pointed out that while crowds would attend meetings led directly by the SJB or the SLPP, attracting people to “Joint Opposition” meetings alone would be difficult. Therefore, they argued, supporters needed to be given the impression that both parties were backing these events.
Video discussion
To achieve this, a strategy was allegedly developed where Nimal Lanza, Prasanna Ranatunga, and others from the Joint Opposition would conduct a video discussion with SLPP youth groups and involve Namal Rajapaksa in the conversation. The intention was to create the impression that the SLPP officially supported the meetings and thereby draw young supporters into attending.
Because Namal would find it difficult to openly criticize such meetings during a live discussion, the plan was reportedly to use his participation to imply that he too was now working under Ranil Wickremesinghe’s leadership. This, according to reports, was the strategy devised by the Lanza–Prasanna faction.
However, much to their misfortune, details of the discussions held within a WhatsApp group regarding this strategy were leaked to Namal Rajapaksa’s camp. What follows, reportedly, were some of the exchanges that took place within that WhatsApp group.
The Leaked WhatsApp Conversation
Excerpt:
What can be understood from the WhatsApp chat
- Using the SJB “Guard” Narrative
The discussion suggests an attempt to frame the situation in a way that creates the impression that the SJB leadership was worried or unsettled. By presenting the idea that “even they are reacting,” the objective appears to have been to create a narrative among supporters that the Joint Opposition initiative was beginning to exert pressure. - Keeping a Future Political Option Open
The discussion did not indicate a direct political alliance. Instead, it seemed designed to leave room for future flexibility — preserving the possibility of broader political cooperation if circumstances changed in the future, particularly around the 2026 political climate. - Trying to Corner Namal Politically
The strategy appeared aimed not necessarily at strengthening the Joint Opposition itself, but at placing Namal Rajapaksa in a politically uncomfortable position. The underlying message was essentially: “You may have your own political space, but you cannot completely distance yourself from us.”
The conclusion:
If the plan had succeeded, it could have created the public perception that “Namal is indirectly supporting Ranil’s political project.” Even if it failed, however, it would still help build the impression within SLPP circles that “they too are nervous about us.”
The final recommendation:
Namal’s side, according to the discussion, did not need to openly escalate the matter. Instead, they could simply project the message that “even if others try to use our political strength, it still proves our influence matters,” while carefully avoiding direct confrontation.
End of excerpt.
With the exposure of these WhatsApp exchanges, many believe it became fully clear that Ranil Wickremesinghe had attempted to politically target both Sajith Premadasa and Namal Rajapaksa simultaneously through a calculated political operation.
It is argued that these kinds of political manoeuvres, which Ranil has allegedly practised for more than three decades, are one of the main reasons why the once-powerful United National Party — which at one stage possessed a solid vote base of around 3.5 million — has now fallen to its weakest point, struggling even to secure 200,000 votes. Today, the UNP is unable to elect even a single Member of Parliament directly, a collapse many attribute to Ranil’s overreliance on political games rather than public trust.
Weaken the opposition?
Why, then, would Ranil attempt to politically weaken not only Sajith but Namal as well? According to political rumours, the reason lies in astrological advice allegedly given to Ranil and his family by a close astrologer.
The prediction reportedly states that after the major astrological transition of Jupiter in 2027, Ranil may once again receive an opportunity — even if only briefly — to return to the presidency. Before that could happen, however, both Sajith Premadasa and Namal Rajapaksa would need to be politically sidelined. Based on this alleged advice, many now believe Ranil has begun attacking both figures simultaneously while keeping the expected Jupiter transition of June 2027 firmly in mind.
Sajith Warns in Advance
Against the backdrop of the rapidly rising US dollar and the country’s worsening economic condition, Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa addressed Parliament on Thursday (21), stating that an emergency meeting of opposition party leaders had been convened that evening at the Opposition Leader’s Office to discuss possible solutions to the growing crisis.
Sajith noted that invitations had been extended not only to southern opposition parties but also to Tamil and Muslim political leaders representing the North and East.
Urgent Measures
During his speech, Sajith also outlined for the first time several measures he believed the government should urgently adopt to address the worsening crisis. He pointed out that Sri Lanka’s current agreement with the International Monetary Fund is scheduled to conclude in March next year, and therefore the government should immediately begin negotiations with the IMF for a successor agreement.
The Opposition Leader reminded Parliament that during Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s administration, Sri Lanka had approached the IMF from a position of severe weakness — with both rupee reserves and dollar reserves nearly exhausted. He warned that the government should not wait until conditions deteriorate to that level again, but instead begin negotiations immediately while the country still retains relative stability.
Not the first time
This was not the first time Sajith had attempted to warn the country about looming dangers. Back in 2021, before the full impact of the COVID-19 pandemic hit Sri Lanka, Sajith had raised concerns in Parliament and urged the government to take preventive measures. Later, during Gotabaya’s administration, he also warned that the country was heading toward bankruptcy and repeatedly called for urgent negotiations with the IMF.
However, on both occasions, ministers and MPs within Gotabaya’s government reportedly mocked Sajith’s warnings rather than acting on them swiftly. The result, critics argue, was that the country eventually suffered severe damage in both crises.
Discussion with ex-officials
Meanwhile, the night before the opposition leaders’ meeting, Sajith reportedly held a lengthy discussion lasting more than three hours with three senior former IMF officials regarding the emerging economic crisis. The discussions focused on the nature of the current crisis, the dangers facing the country, the possible consequences if the situation worsened further, and the measures that could be taken to prevent collapse. Sajith is said to have carefully documented each of these points separately.
When Sajith arrived at the Opposition Leader’s Office for the multi-party meeting, he reportedly carried a file containing all these detailed notes and recommendations.
Notably, by the time he arrived, representatives from all opposition parties had already gathered at the office. Among those present were Chanaka Madugoda representing the SLPP, Rohitha Abeygunawardena representing the “Gas Cylinder” faction, Sumanthiran and Shanakiyan representing the Tamil Arasu Kachchi, Rauff Hakeem of the Muslim Congress, and M.L.A.M. Hizbullah.
Key proposals
At the beginning of the meeting, Sajith first invited all party leaders to express their views on the ongoing crisis. After Harsha de Silva, Kabir Hashim, and other SJB MPs, along with representatives of the other parties, presented their positions, Sajith opened the file he had brought and began presenting the key proposals one by one.
The file reportedly contained a detailed set of measures aimed at helping the country overcome the crisis. At the conclusion of the meeting, Sajith proposed that additional suggestions from the participating party leaders should also be incorporated before the final proposal document was formally presented to the government.
Sumanthiran’s Proposal
However, Sumanthiran did not agree with Sajith Premadasa’s proposal. He argued that the responsibility for resolving the present crisis lay with the ruling Malima government, which currently held power. Therefore, he stressed that the President should be urged to immediately convene an all-party conference to seek solutions to the crisis.
After all those present expressed agreement with the idea, the group decided to entrust Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa with the responsibility of formally informing the President.
All-party conference
At that point, some MPs suggested that before notifying the President directly, the opposition should first release the news to the media in order to gain some political advantage. Sajith, however, rejected the idea. He stated that it would not be appropriate to handle discussions involving the President in such a manner. Instead, he said he would first issue an official statement and then contact the President directly.
Accordingly, that very night Sajith posted a message on his “X” account announcing that opposition party leaders had proposed convening an all-party conference to address the crisis.
Rohitha’s Warning
During the meeting, much attention reportedly turned toward remarks made by Rohitha Abeygunawardena, who represents the “Gas Cylinder” faction in Parliament. Rohitha said he had experienced a very similar economic crisis before — during the presidency of Gotabaya Rajapaksa.
He explained:
“I faced a situation very similar to this during Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s time. Back then I was the ports minister. The dollar started rising exactly like this. We didn’t even have enough dollars to buy fuel. The government officials who attended discussions with us at the time gave us completely false information. Even when they came before Parliament, they gave us entirely misleading information. They kept saying the economy would not collapse. But all of us were deceived by those lies. Then suddenly, when we least expected it, the country collapsed. I saw it happen firsthand. What I feel now is that the same thing that happened during Gotabaya’s period is happening all over again. If this government continues in the same direction, it too could collapse unexpectedly. That’s exactly what happened to us.”
As Rohitha spoke, the attention of everyone present reportedly shifted toward him.
Sajith Calls the President
As Sajith had promised during the meeting, on Friday morning (22) he personally telephoned the President. At the time, the President was touring the Eastern Province and preparing to travel from Batticaloa to Ampara.
During the call, Sajith informed him that opposition party leaders had met the previous night and collectively decided that an all-party conference should be convened to discuss the growing crisis. He explained that he was calling personally to communicate that decision.
The President reportedly responded by saying that once he completed his Eastern Province tour and returned to Colombo, he would provide an official response on the matter.
“Ranil–Anura Meeting” Story
Through the Inside Politics column, we have repeatedly exposed how media groups aligned with Ranil Wickremesinghe allegedly spread fabricated stories through media networks linked to his family and through pro-UNP social media platforms in order to create confusion and crises within rival political parties.
On several occasions in the past, even senior government figures had reportedly been drawn into these campaigns without hesitation. One notable example occurred when Ranil was allegedly receiving treatment in the Intensive Care Unit of the National Hospital after being taken into custody. At that time, media outlets aligned with Ranil spread reports claiming that Prime Minister Harini Amarasuriya had visited the hospital to inquire about his condition. The controversy surrounding that false report became so serious that it eventually contributed to National Hospital Deputy Director Rukshan Bellana losing his position.
Secret meeting
Similarly, another sensational story suddenly emerged last week across pro-UNP social media platforms. The claim was that President Anura Kumara Dissanayake and Ranil Wickremesinghe had held an urgent secret meeting.
The story was presented so convincingly that those behind it even used a particular officer attached to Ranil’s security division to help spread the rumour. According to reports, this officer privately contacted several pro-UNP social media activists and hinted confidentially that Ranil had met the President along with a few others for discussions.
Although some social media accounts rushed to present it as a major political development, many others recognized it as another planted story originating from Ranil’s camp and chose not to publish it.
Nevertheless, once certain websites began carrying the report, many people started contacting various political sources in an effort to verify whether the meeting had actually taken place. Eventually, news of the rumour also reached the President himself, who was at that time still in Batticaloa.
Upon hearing of the report, the President reportedly dismissed it sarcastically, saying:
“Then Ranil must have come to Batticaloa last night. I’ve been here for two days now. I have no obsession with meeting him. Besides, what advice do I need from him?”
With that response, the attempt to generate political speculation through the alleged “Ranil–Anura meeting” story quickly lost momentum.
