Basil’s Political Maneuvering Sparks Revival in Divided Pohottuwa Faction
Namal strive to emerge as Presidential Candidate in an Intense Battle
Pohottuwa Plans Formation of Antigovernment Force, Calls for General Elections
Speaker Faces Public Outcry for Playing to President’s Tune
Democracy’s Demise: Parliamentary Dynamics Reflect Troubling Trends
SF Paves New Path After Initial Missteps: Striving for Groundswell Support
Uddika’s Strategic Maneuver: Utilizing the Screen Play as a Deflection Tactic
The act that shook the world
Amidst a flurry of legislative endeavours undertaken by the government in recent times, one particular bill has stirred a maelstrom of controversy both domestically and internationally: the Online Security Act, or the Online Act. As the government geared up to table this bill in parliament, a cacophony of dissent erupted from opposition parties, civil society organizations, the masses, and media outlets, all united in their condemnation of what they perceived as a blatant attempt to stifle dissent and quash opposition voices.
The outcry wasn’t confined to local shores; major global players such as the United States, the United Kingdom, and Europe voiced their concerns over the impending online legislation. The Asian Internet Forum, representing tech giants like Google, Amazon, Facebook, and Twitter, vehemently opposed the bill, warning of dire consequences not only for freedom of speech but also for Sri Lanka’s burgeoning digital economy.
Legal challenges
In response to mounting opposition, legal challenges were mounted, culminating in a landmark ruling by the Supreme Court, which mandated significant amendments to certain clauses of the Act, deeming them unconstitutional. Despite this judicial intervention, the government, wielding its parliamentary majority, railroaded the bill through the legislature, much to the chagrin of its detractors.
The opposition, aggrieved by what they saw as a blatant disregard for due process, lodged formal objections, urging the Speaker not to endorse the bill. Furthermore, Mr. M.A. Sumanthiran, a Member of Parliament from the Tamil National Alliance, escalated the matter by petitioning the Supreme Court on grounds of fundamental rights violations.
Govt. to revisit the bill!
In the face of mounting pressure and relentless opposition, the government eventually acquiesced to the necessity of revisiting the contentious bill, pledging to introduce amendments in consultation with the cabinet. However, in a dramatic turn of events, the Speaker ultimately signed the bill into law, defying the clamour for reconsideration.
This saga underscores the delicate balance between safeguarding national security interests and upholding fundamental freedoms in the digital age, underscoring the imperative for robust public discourse and democratic accountability in the legislative process.
A series of accusations
The recent controversy surrounding the Speaker’s decision to endorse the contentious online bill has reignited longstanding accusations of bias in favour of the government. This is not an isolated incident; the opposition has repeatedly accused the Speaker of exhibiting partiality towards the ruling party on numerous occasions. Despite these allegations, previous instances of perceived favouritism were met with muted opposition, as challenging the Speaker’s conduct risked tarnishing the integrity of the Parliament itself.
However, the Speaker’s decision to sign the online bill in the face of vehement opposition proved to be the tipping point for the aggrieved opposition. They assert that the Speaker, along with the ruling party, flouted constitutional norms by disregarding Supreme Court orders and failing to adhere to judicial directives. While discussions among opposition parties have centred on the necessity of holding the Speaker accountable, concrete actions have thus far remained elusive.
Breaking the impasse, Sumanthiran of the Tamil National Alliance recently initiated legal action against the Speaker, filing a petition in the Supreme Court alleging constitutional violations. This bold move prompted the main opposition, the Samagi Jana Balawega, and its leaders to convene and deliberate on the appropriate course of action. After extensive deliberations, the party resolved to table a motion of no confidence against the Speaker.
Subsequently, prominent figures within the opposition, including Sajith, Sumanthiran, GL, Laxman Kiriella, Tissa Attanayake, Shan Vijayalal, and Chandima Veerakkodi, took the decisive step of endorsing the motion. This collective action underscores a growing determination within the opposition ranks to hold the Speaker and the ruling party accountable for perceived transgressions against democratic principles and constitutional norms.
‘IGP’ was not on the agenda
Another contentious incident occurred last Monday when the opposition proceeded with a motion of no confidence against the speaker. That’s because the President has sent a proposal to the Legislative Council appointing Mr. Deshbandu Tennakoon as the new Inspector General of Police. The most notable event here was that the President forwarded this proposal to the Legislative Assembly on Monday when 07 cases assigned to Mr. Deshbandu Tennakoon were set to be heard on Tuesday. The speaker also decided to discuss the relevant proposal, even though it was not on the agenda for that day.
The vote was divided
Accordingly, what happened after this proposal was submitted to the Legislative Assembly? In this regard, the leader of the opposition, Mr Sajith Premadasa, explained at a later time and publicly said that a division had arisen in the Legislative Assembly over the relevant proposal. He said that Prime Minister Dinesh Gunawardena, Prasanna Ranatunga, Sagara Kariyawasam and Dr. Anula Wijesundara, an independent civilian, who are representing the government, were in favour of the proposal and voted in favour of the proposal. Sajith said that he and Kabir Hashim, who is currently abroad, joined the discussion through Zoom technology and voted against it. Explaining further he said that the other two members representing the Legislative Council, Dr. Pratap Ramanujam and Dr. Dinesha Samararatne abstained from voting. Accordingly, Sajith confirmed that the vote was divided into 4 in favour of the proposal 2 against and 2 did not vote.
Generally, a resolution of the Legislative Assembly needs at least 5 votes to be passed. Only if the votes are tied 4-4, the Speaker has the opportunity to exercise his casting vote, otherwise, the Speaker has no opportunity to exercise the vote of the Legislative Assembly. Accordingly, Sajith said that the proposal was rejected in the Constituent Assembly as the speaker had no opportunity to vote.
Chaos in the presidential palace
However, because Deshbandu’s name was not accepted for the position of Inspector General of Police by the Legislative Assembly, the Presidential Secretariat became extremely busy. Several emergency meetings were immediately convened, and it was discovered that high-level government officials as well as legal experts were invited. It was a unique event that the discussion began with the assumption that Deshbandu’s appointment should proceed regardless.
The news came to Anura
By approximately 5 pm, rumours circulated within political circles suggesting that the President had decided to appoint Deshbandu as the new Inspector General of Police. The information purported that Deshbandu’s nomination garnered support in the Legislative Assembly, with the Speaker reportedly casting a vote in favour, resulting in a passage of 5 votes in favour.
Notably, this initial information was brought to light by JVP leader Mr. Anura Kumara Dissanayake. Given that Anura does not hold a seat in the Legislative Assembly, he promptly sought clarification on the matter and relayed it to Sajith, questioning the authenticity of the report. To the surprise of many, Sajith refuted the claim, asserting that no such voting occurred in the Legislative Assembly.
He clarified that the actual tally was 4 votes in favor, and 2 against, with two members abstaining from voting altogether. Sajith vehemently denied the notion that the Speaker had participated in the voting process, emphasizing the constitutional limitations that prevent such action.
The announcement issued
However, according to earlier reports, after several minutes, the President’s Secretariat issued an official announcement stating that steps had been taken to appoint Mr. Deshbandu Tennakoon as the new Inspector General of Police. However, there was a way to be extremely careful with word choice. The Constituent Assembly was not mentioned in the announcement; instead, it was stated that the appointment was made following the Constitution. The Presidential Media Unit has issued a brief announcement in this regard.
‘President Ranil Wickramasinghe has appointed Mr Deshbandu Tennakoon as the new Inspector General of Police by the provisions of the Constitution’
Moments after the release of this announcement, the photo of President’s Secretary Mr Saman Ekanayake handing over the appointment letter for the post of Inspector General of Police to Mr Deshbandu Tennakoon was also released to the media.
The opposition gets stirred
A no-confidence resolution was being signed against the Speaker based on the Online Act, and this incident came to the fore, and a large opposition against the Speaker was seen among the opposition political parties. Accordingly, shortly after this news was published, Mr Sajith Premadasa, the leader of the opposition, posted a note on his Twitter account and said that the Constituent Assembly did not approve the appointment of the Inspector General of Police and that the Speaker had flagrantly violated the Constitution for the second time.
Below is the tweet that Sajith issued.
The Constituent Assembly did not approve the appointment of IGP. Voting was 4 in favour, 2 against and 2 abstentions. A minimum of 5 votes is required to make a decision. The Speaker has a casting vote which can only be used in the event of a tie. 4/2 is not a compromise, the Constitution is being blatantly violated for the second time. Shame on you Mr Speaker.’, it said.
Apart from this, Sajith also took steps to call an immediate Zoom discussion between the opposition party leaders. Sajith explained to the opposition party leaders everything that happened in the Legislative Assembly and informed the party leaders that immediate action should be taken against it. Accordingly, the next day Sajith instructed Professor G.L. Peiris and Party General Secretary Mr. Ranjith Maddumabandara to call a special press conference and inform the whole country about the incident.
Wimall’s support
Accordingly, the other political parties of the opposition who understood what had happened in the appointment of the Inspector General of Police were seen holding discussions at various places to discuss the measures to be taken in this regard immediately. After discussing this, Wimal Weerawansa, Udaya Gammanpila, Ratana Thero, and Asanka Navaratne mentioned to the media that their group is working to vote against the Speaker in the motion of no confidence presented against him.
Dayasiri responds from down under
Apart from this, Dayasiri Jayasekara, who is visiting Australia these days, immediately spoke to the ‘Mawrata’ newspaper and said that he too would vote against the speaker in the no-confidence motion. Also, Dayasiri informed the ‘Mawrata’ newspaper that he would work to reveal many facts about the Speaker during the no-confidence debate that no one knew so far. Accordingly, after the publication of Dayasiri’s statement on the ‘Mawrata’ website, the Sri Lanka Freedom Party also issued an official announcement saying that their party would vote in favour of the motion of no confidence against the speaker together with the opposition.
Vijitha talks to Sajith
Amid the unfolding events surrounding the Inspector General of Police incident, the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) sought clarity on the proceedings within the Constituent Assembly. To this end, Vijitha Herath initiated direct communication with Sajith last Tuesday. However, Sajith, engaged in a ceremony to donate a bus to the children of Anuradhapura under the Sakwala programme, was unable to attend the call. Promptly, Sajith reached out to his parliamentary secretary, Thisath Wijegunawardena, requesting him to ascertain the purpose of Vijitha’s call.
Subsequently, Thisath promptly contacted Vijitha to address his inquiries regarding the events in the Legislative Assembly concerning the Inspector General of Police incident. After providing a detailed account of the proceedings, Thisath relayed the information to the party leadership. In light of these revelations, the JVP decided to align their stance with the opposition and utilize their vote against the Speaker in the impending motion of no confidence. This development was promptly communicated to the public through an official announcement, marking the formation of a broad opposition coalition against the Speaker in the wake of these recent events.
Mahinda is on Mahinda’s side
In this way, while the entire opposition united against the Speaker’s actions, Pohottuwa, the main party representing the government, was in a completely different position regarding the Speaker. That was stated by former President Mahinda Rajapaksa. When asked about this by journalists last Tuesday, Mahinda said without any hesitation, ‘The speaker is one of ours. We will protect him.’ Apart from Mahinda, several MPs from Pohottuwa told the media that they are working to protect the speaker in the event of a vote of no confidence.
A message to Sajith
Amidst the escalating opposition against the Speaker, Sajith received a notable message from a prominent figure within the ruling party. The message highlighted a significant internal conflict within the government and urged against exacerbating divisions by pursuing a vote of no confidence against the Speaker. Upon receiving this communication, Sajith promptly conveyed his response, advising the sender to resolve their internal issues independently.
In no uncertain terms, Sajith emphasized the importance of addressing grievances within the confines of the government and declined to intervene in their internal strife. Undeterred, he reaffirmed his commitment to proceed with the motion of no confidence against the Speaker, regardless of the outcome. He underscored the necessity of exposing the Speaker’s unilateral actions during the ensuing debate.
Drawing parallels to past instances where motions of no confidence were brought against individuals who compromised public welfare, such as those involved in distributing substandard medication, Sajith emphasized the importance of accountability. He noted how individuals who once shielded wrongdoers ultimately faced consequences themselves. Sajith urged the Speaker to reflect on these precedents, signalling an unwavering determination to uphold principles of transparency and accountability.
The bud splits
Against this backdrop, a profound crisis has surfaced within Pohottuwa regarding the presidential candidacy. While cabinet and state ministers aligned with the president publicly advocate for his re-election, MPs affiliated with Pohottuwa maintain that the party has yet to reach a final decision on the matter. Notably, figures like Pohottu Secretary General Sagara and Namal Rajapaksa, a key figure in the Rajapakse family, assert their intention to field a candidate under the Pohottu symbol in the upcoming presidential election.
The fissure within Pohottuwa became glaringly evident last week in Dambulla. Pramita Bandara Thennakone, a prominent figure in Dambulla’s Pohottu politics and currently serving as the Minister of State Security, has maintained close ties with the President. Pramita has vocally advocated for granting the President another opportunity, consistently echoing this sentiment on multiple occasions. Notably, Pramita arranged a meeting of the Pohottu delegation in Dambulla two weeks ago, where she extended an invitation to Prasanna Ranatunga, a former Pohottu cabinet minister, who shares her stance on the matter.
However, during this discussion, Pramita asserted her position vehemently, advocating strongly for the President’s re-election. She also didn’t shy away from criticizing certain policies of Pohottuwa, sparking heated debates within the council. Despite facing opposition from some council members, Pramita’s stance garnered significant attention, underscoring the depth of the rift within Pohottuwa.
Namal vs Pramita
However, Pohottuwa’s leadership became aware of Pramita’s actions in Dambulla, where she convened the Pohottu delegation and openly criticized Pohottu policies while displaying bias against the President. Consequently, Sagara, Namal, and other influential figures within Pohottuwa swiftly convened the Matale Pohottu delegation under the party’s leadership. Janaka Bandara Thennakone, a stalwart of Pohottu in Matale, and Pramitha Bandara Thennakone, the Minister of State Security, were invited to attend.
During this pivotal Pohottu council meeting, staunch Rajapaksa loyalists like Tissa Kuttiarachchi and Indika Anuruddha made an unprecedented decision to endorse Namal Rajapaksa as Pohottuwa’s presidential candidate.
Subsequently, on Tuesday night following this development, representatives from Pohottu’s engineers and lawyers’ associations convened and passed resolutions in support of Namal Rajapakse’s candidacy for the upcoming presidential election. Reports from the ‘inside politics’ column suggest that plans are underway to officially propose and endorse Namal’s candidacy at the constituency level shortly.
This development marks a clear division not only between the government and Pohottuwa but also within Pohottuwa itself regarding the forthcoming presidential candidacy, signalling significant upheaval within the party’s ranks.
Basil comes to revamp
Amidst the swirling conflicts, Basil Rajapaksa, widely regarded as the architect of Pohottuwa, is set to return to Sri Lanka at the outset of March. Initially slated for a return in late April, Basil has expedited his plans in response to the escalating political turmoil both within the nation and within the party. His decision to cut short his extended vacation underscores his commitment to reengage in political activities amidst the intensifying landscape.
However, Basil’s return isn’t merely symbolic; rather, it heralds a strategic political manoeuvre of considerable magnitude. Basil meticulously crafted this plan long before his departure to America, where he engaged in regular discussions with party leader Mahinda and party secretary general Sagara to glean insights into the prevailing political climate and evolving dynamics. Furthermore, he maintained daily dialogues with secondary Pohottuwa leaders nationwide and grassroots-level heads to exchange perspectives and gauge sentiment.
In addition to these efforts, Basil commissioned two opinion polls aimed at gauging voter preferences in the forthcoming elections, operating within a veil of utmost secrecy. These comprehensive preparations underscore Basil’s strategic acumen and his determination to navigate the intricate political landscape with precision and foresight.
The result of the poll
The results of both these polls were received by Basil last week, and 2 very important facts were revealed. The first was that it would be very disadvantageous for the party to have Pohottuwa in the government any longer. The second was that regardless of the setbacks, there is still a vote percentage of 20% to 22% for Pohottuwa at the village level, and it has been revealed that it is solely due to the political factor of Mahinda Rajapaksa.
Basil, who had analyzed the results for many days, had taken steps to discuss them at length with Mahinda. Basile’s calculation was that at this time, going to a general election is more advantageous for Pohottuwa than going to a presidential election. Basil, who also informed Mahinda, will come to Sri Lanka this time after determining the related political plan and the timing of launching that plan.
Fear of the majority?
Accordingly, what is the political game Basil is going to play when he comes to Sri Lanka?
With a general election in mind, Basil plans to arrange for Pohottuwa to officially sit in the opposition by the end of March or the beginning of April. Through that, Basil plans to make the government lose its majority and dissolve the parliament. According to the information we have, Basil did not take this decision alone but discussed it with Mahinda at length.
However, Basil does not know that 100% of the MPs in Pohottuwa do not agree with the ruling party’s decision to take seats in the opposition. Basil has also calculated that the cabinet ministers and state ministers who are with the president in particular may go beyond the party’s decision. Basil has calculated that Pohottu stalwarts like Prasanna Ranatunga, Pramita Bandara, Dilum Amunugama, and the group of Nimal Lanza, Nalin Fernando, Anura Yapa, Susil, Priyankara Jayaratne will not agree to sit in the opposition with Pohottu. But according to the decision taken by the party, 20 or 25 MPs will come to sit in the opposition and Basil has already made plans to face the next general election with them.
What happens to those who don’t come?
Also, Basil has already made a strict decision not to give nominations in the next general election to anyone who does not act according to the party’s decision. Thus, Basil plans to have the second-tier leaders of the respective districts advance in the general election instead of the Pohottu stalwarts who are with the president and the government. In general, Basil always played politics with the village political leaders rather than the senior parliamentarians of Pohottuwa. It was through the leaders of this village that Basil made the Pohottu sign a victory sign in the local government elections held in 2018 marking Pohottu’s victorious political journey. Accordingly, Basil plans to nominate the second-tier Pohottu leaders of the respective districts instead of the Pohottu ministers who are with the government and the president, and not to give nominations to anyone who is with the government.
Basil has calculated that if the Pohottu Ministers who are with the President contest with Elephant or any other symbol in the next general election, they will definitely lose and they will not be able to get 2% or 3% of votes in any district. But Basil has calculated that Pohottuwa can win a significant number of MPs from each district in the general election and send them to Parliament. Accordingly, Basil is not only coming to Sri Lanka this time, but before the next Sinhala New Year, Pohottuwa will sit in the opposition reducing the majority to the government and paving the road to the general election.
A meeting with Ranil and Mahinda
When Basil and Pohottuwa were preparing to escape from the government, another special meeting took place last week between a strongman of the government and a strongman of Pohottuwa. The strongman of the government is none other than the President. The strong man in Pohottuwa is none other than former President Mahinda Rajapaksa.
There have been several meetings like this between the President and Mahinda in the past. Mahinda told the friends who asked about it after the meetings of the two at the Shangri-La Hotel and other special places that the President does not discuss any political matters in these discussions, but only talks about certain events happening around him daily. But many people think that this meeting between the two, which took place last week at a dinner party, may have taken a different face than that. The reason for this is that the President is currently in a political deadlock and the country’s politics have become very heated. Accordingly, many believe that this meeting held in the middle of such an environment was full of political topics.
Caught in the hands of a bully?
The resignation of the second MP within 2 months was reported last week. The first incident was reported with the resignation of Mr. Chaminda Wijesiri, who was a strong SJB youth MP. There, Chaminda said that due to the current political system and the people’s harsh criticism of the current members of parliament, he would resign from the parliament. The second incident was reported last week when Uddika Premaratne, a popular actor who came to parliament from Pohottuwa to represent Mr Wimal Weerawansa’s party, suddenly sent a letter to the Speaker that he would resign from his position as a Member of Parliament. In his letter, Uddika mentioned that as a young member of parliament, he did not get an opportunity to implement his ideas, so he resigned from his position as a member of parliament.
But is that the true story of Uddika’s resignation?
Uddika, who was famous as an actor, came into politics but was a quiet character. Still, suddenly the country started talking about Uddika once again with a shooting attack targeting him. After he drove his car without guards and entered the house, an unknown gunman fired several shots at his car in front of the house. When Uddika stated in Parliament that he had received life threats after the incident like a movie scene, some people said that this incident was created by Uddika himself. Because of the various opinions about it, steps were taken to hand over further investigations to the Criminal Investigation Department. It is a special incident that even though months have passed since the incident, there has been no statement from the police regarding its progress.
Met Ranil
Under such a background, Uddika met the President a few days ago. According to the ‘inside politics’ column, the President informed Uddika to join the government and Uddika agreed to it. The question of which deal the Uddika had gone to meet the president to save has become a major topic in politics.
However, last week, Uddika left the country with his family and went to Canada on flight EK 651. Then Uddika sent his letter of resignation from the position of MP to the Speaker after landing safely in Canada with his family. Accordingly, many are waiting for the release of the final report on the incident of shooting at Uddika’s official car.
Fonseka again
Sarath Fonseka, Chairman of Samagi Jana Balawegaya, went to court against the party and obtained an injunction, so now SJB has decided to take strict action against him. Also, after the relevant incident, Fonseka did not participate in any work done in the party, nor did the party invite Fonseka. At the SJB conference held last weekend in Gampaha Mahara, Fonseka’s district, attendees witnessed politicians representing Gampaha and the party’s strongmen clearly stating that Fonseka, who took the party to court, should not be invited. Consequently, they took steps to ensure that Fonseka was not invited.
However, when the meeting started and Marikkar was speaking on the platform, Fonseka arrived to to the meeting ground without any invitation with a few friends. Regardless of the differences, Marikkar took care to mention Fonseka, who attended the meeting without showing any difference due to his being the party president. Accordingly, even though Fonseka came from the crowd and sat down in a seat that had been placed in the front row, none of the SJB leaders on either side could see Fonseka was not given much prominence.
Don’t come to the meeting
Since Sajith was not present to address the conference at that time, many people began to tease each other that there was a risk of an unnecessary conflict with Fonseka if Sajith came to the meeting at this time. Because of this, several people on the platform called Sajith and informed him not to attend the meeting as Fonseka had come without an invitation. But Sajith kept his mouth shut and said that Fonseka’s presence was not a problem for him and that he would attend the meeting as planned. As said, Sajith came to the platform through the middle of the people, accompanied by the party members. While everyone else got up from their seats and applauded Sajith, Fonseka was seen sitting alone on the chair.
Give me a speech
However, after Sajith got on stage, Fonseka sent a message to Sajith through a third party. He asked them to allow him to speak for 5 minutes before Sajith’s speech. But Sajith directly denied it and sent a message to the person in question saying that he was ready to speak next, and if necessary, to speak after his speech. However, the organizing committee took steps to end the meeting as soon as Sajith finished his speech. Accordingly, it was seen that Sajith left the meeting place with the party members without any consideration of Fonseka.
Minister who shut up
A young minister who stood up for the government strongly in the past period has now seen a way of doing his duty in a very quiet manner and is at his own. The reason for this is that a massive media attack was launched recently targeting this young minister. Because of this, this young minister has been engaged in a long investigation of who is attacking him, who is behind it, and what is the reason for attacking him. Accordingly, this minister was able to find out who all the people behind the related attack were about two weeks ago.
The Minister has received information indicating that all this news originated from a place connected to a specific major sector. It is alleged that the young minister received substantial information from within that department, including advice from the head of the department to publish the relevant news and the identity of the advisor. Furthermore, it has come to light that the young minister is currently investigating whether the individual who advised him to attack is doing so due to a district-related issue or out of jealousy towards his rapid ascent to the top position within a short period.
However, this young minister has now decided to keep a quiet attitude without standing up for the government. Also, this column has heard that this young minister is making plans these days to counter the attack on him.
Four organisers
With the fact that the political parties are starting to feel the heat of the elections day by day, it has been seen these days that the main political parties are working to empower all the mobilizations. Accordingly, the National People’s Power took steps to hold women’s conferences across the country for the first time. It was also seen that there was a significant participation of women in those women’s conferences led by Harini Amarasuriya, the main female character of Malima.
After that Samagi Jana Balawega also planned to hold women’s meetings at the district level. Sajith handed it over to four very talented women in SJB. The first one is Rohini Kaviratne, a Member of Parliament. The second is Hirunika Premachandra, a former Member of Parliament. The third is Mrs. Chamindrani Kiriella, the daughter of Mr. Lakshman Kiriella, who is a Kandy SJB strongman as well as the chief organizer of the opposition.
The fourth is Lihini who is a lawyer. Accordingly, these four met and discussed with the party and decided to start the first SJB women’s meeting from Upcountry. It was accordingly planned to hold the meeting at the Mahaiyava Stadium and impose 6,000 seats there. However, the first women’s conference was so successful that all the seats were filled and nearly 2,000 more women were seen standing around the meeting grounds. Also, in this conference, Hirunika launched a strong attack targeting JVP and Harini.
JVP effected
However, this attack hit JVP so hard that JVP Publicity Secretary Vijitha Herath responded to it publicly. There, Vijitha said that Hirunika should take measures to swell up to the size of her finger. However, many people who saw this reaction of the JVP told the leaders of the SJB that the success of the SJB women’s conference could be seen clearly from this reaction of the JVP.
However, the JVP has now planned to hold two more women’s conferences to wrap it up. After that, JVP has planned to hold youth conferences at the district level across the country. It is known that JVP has planned to hold these youth meetings radically.
However, SJB plans to continue holding women’s conferences and it has been learned that they have decided to hold their second women’s conference in Badulla and the third in Galle.